➤ Review of the background to devolution
➤ Past attempts to introduce devolution
➤ Analysis of the reasons why devolution was introduced after 1997
➤ How devolution was implemented in various parts of the UK
➤ Analysis of different political attitudes towards devolution
➤ Speculation as to how successful the implementation of devolution has been
Movements which were dedicated to the introduction of greater selfgovernment for Britain’s national regions can be traced back as far as the
European cities in which its operational centres are
based, and will the International Rescue Committee move from its New York headquarters to Dakar,
Jakarta or Quito? At the moment, the answer of most major relief groups is implied by their
stasis: no. But some measure of devolution appears necessary if they are to retain
legitimacy. The gravest political challenge NGOs face lies not in what is going on in the Global South but
rather what is going on at home in the Global North, particularly in Europe. If humanitarian
certainties have been upended, it
This book seeks to review the state of political issues early in the twenty-first century, when New Labour is in its second term of office. As part of the updating process it became necessary to choose which political issues are important. The book includes the main issues which appear in current Advanced Level Politics syllabuses. In the case of Edexcel, which offers a specific political issues option in its A2 specification, all the specified issues have been included. The book deals with the process of constitutional and political change which are issues in themselves. It also includes material on constitutional reform (incorporating the recent development of human rights in Britain), and devolution. The book includes the global recession and other recent political developments and looks at the important issues in British politics since 1945. It examines the key issues of British politics today: economic policy, the Welfare State, law and order, environment policy, Northern Ireland, issues concerning women, European integration and the European Union, and the impact of the European Union on Britain. The book also deals with the European Union and Britain's relationship to it. Finally, it must be emphasised that Britain's relationship to the European Union is in itself a political issue which has fundamentally changed the party system.
The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.
The Scottish Conservatives, 1997–2001
The Scottish Conservatives, 1997–2001:
from disaster to devolution and beyond
William Hague’s four years of leadership of the Conservative Party coincided
with a revolution in the political opportunity structure of Scottish Conservatism. First, the Scotish Tories were wiped out at the 1997 general election,
their worst electoral performance of all time and their lowest share of the
vote since 1865. Second, the party’s constitutional position was heavily defeated at the devolution referendum of
in this, but there were also hopes that reform of the House of
Commons to make it more efficient and effective could be undertaken.
We can now see how extensive the Labour proposals were in 1997. Of course,
experience tells us that the new government fell some way short of implementing the whole plan. However, in order to evaluate the process, it is
important to be able to compare Labour’s original aspirations with its subsequent actions. These can now be considered in more detail.
The details of the devolution settlement are
how many wanted to be involved – by first
examining Labour’s historical attitude to the subject. It then outlines
how ministers responded to its emergence as a live issue during the late
1960s, and in particular highlights Judith Hart’s thinking, as she was
the minister briefly in charge of the matter. The chapter then looks at
those areas where increasing participation was at least discussed, such
as planning, devolution, and community development. The chapter
finally turns to the matter of participation within the Labour Party itself.
Labour, the individual and
➤ The background to the Northern Ireland problem
➤ The build up to and the importance of the Good Friday Agreement
➤ The effect of the devolution process on Northern Ireland
➤ The workings of the Northern Ireland Assembly
➤ The effects of decommissioning of arms and demilitarisation
➤ The future of Northern Ireland
BACKGROUND TO THE PROBLEM
How Northern Ireland came about
Until 1921 Ireland was a single political entity under British rule. It elected
MPs to parliament in London, but was
The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.