Social constructivist discourseanalysis
has, since the early 1990s, become increasingly popular across the social
sciences, including international relations. The aim of this chapter is to
outline the possibilities for the use of discourseanalysis in the study of
European foreign policy. Pure rationalists often dismiss EU foreign policy
as ‘just words’ or ‘declaratory diplomacy’ as it is
This book analyses black Atlantic studies, colonial discourse analysis and postcolonial theory, providing paradigms for understanding imperial literature, Englishness and black transnationalism. Its concerns range from the metropolitan centre of Conrad's Heart of Darkness to fatherhood in Du Bois's The Souls of Black Folk; from the marketing of South African literature to cosmopolitanism in Achebe; and from utopian discourse in Parry to Jameson's theorisation of empire.
This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
transformations that take place through the dialectic between the
state and what it perforce negates as a condition of its existence’ (p. 87). I
want to suggest that Lloyd’s formalism proves, on the contrary, antithetical to a materialist approach.
I choose this article for discussion because it seems to condense a
number of current dispositions in Western anti-foundationalist critical
theory, political critique, and colonial discourseanalysis. Lloyd’s concern
with Enlightenment ideologies is shared by a growing number of postcolonial critics. His work corresponds to the
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
analysis of various New Labour texts that utilises a method of
critical discourseanalysis adapted from the work of Fairclough and
of Laclau and Mouffe. 1 Furthermore I argue that this particular concept
of citizenship is inherently exclusionary in its operationalisation
within policy. These exclusionary effects can be seen in New
Labour’s operationalisation of their particular discourse of
2012 and 2015 decisions to return African migrants to their country of
origin or to third countries.
Against this backdrop, this chapter focuses on the
legitimisation of these technologies of blocking and exclusion in the
Israeli political discourse. More specifically, through a discourseanalysis of political actors’ public speeches and parliamentary
debates, I seek to answer the following questions
government. I am not arguing that such people had any cynical plans to
destroy other nations or promote violence as such, nor that they are guilty by
association of ‘ethnic cleansing’. Nevertheless, in their own ways, they
contributed to the escalation of events by adding more fuel to the fire; and
sometimes their arguments were used in ways that they neither intended nor
could have foreseen.
Throughout this book, I will be using a form of discourseanalysis to
explore the themes, ideas and vocabulary present in Serbian and Croatian
propaganda. I have used a qualitative
basic ideas advanced by discourseanalysis, social
constructionists, and symbolic interaction approaches, as well as ideas taken from
feminist and queer scholarship.
The surge in singlehood literature published from around 2000 onwards undoubtedly contributes to a more critical reading of prevalent representations of single
women. It also challenges widespread hegemonic assumptions about them. The literature responds to what is now a well-established fact, namely that more and more
people are living on their own. Scholars like Shelly Budgeon (2008; 2015) Michael