The DomesticPolitics model
Company-specific differences between ExxonMobil, Shell and
Statoil can shed light on differences in their climate strategies to
only a limited extent. Chapter 4 revealed that company-specific
features with implications for climate strategies are marked more
by similarities than differences. The CA model is also incapable of
explaining changes in corporate climate strategies.
We explore whether the national political contexts in which
the companies operate prove more capable of explaining
This book focuses on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. It begins with by reflecting on some of the problems that are set in the foundations of Russia's post-Cold War relationship with the West. The book points to problems that emerge from linguistic and historical 'interpretation'. It looks at the impact of Russia's decline as a political priority for the West since the end of the Cold War and the practical impact this has had. It then reflects on the rising influence, especially, but not only, in public policy and media circles, of 'transitionology' as the main lens through which developments in Russia were interpreted. The book then examines the evolution of the West's relationship with Russia since the end of the Cold War, focusing particularly on the NATO-Russia relationship. It focuses on the chronological development of relations and the emergence of strategic dissonance from 2003. The book also looks at Russian domestic politics, particularly the Western belief in and search for a particular kind of change in Russia, a transition to democracy. It continues the exploration of domestic politics, but turns to address the theme of 'Putinology', the focus on Putin as the central figure in Russian politics.
reputation, and high organisational learning capacity would lead to a
proactive strategy on climate change. Likewise, we assumed that
the converse – i.e. high environmental risk, no negative public
scrutiny, and a low capacity for organisational learning – would
lead to a reactive climate strategy.
The second perspective – the DomesticPolitics (DP) model –
postulates that differences in climate strategy can mainly be
explained by differences in the national political contexts of the
companies rather than in the companies themselves. This model is
based on theories of
high level of attention,
since this sector was one of the most affected by integration. Externally,
Member States and the European Union
the Portuguese priorities were directed towards Africa and Latin
America.8 The new policies introduced by the TEU forced the government
to adjust its own priorities: EMU and the participation in the single
currency turned into one of the top Portuguese priorities.
The domesticpolitical changes also affected the ranking of priorities.
The socialist party won the 1995 general elections.9
’, he wrote, ‘It is unable – and has, apparently, no great
wish – to picture the details of the postwar world. It speculates relatively little about the end of the war.’2 But official inertia did not
prevent reconstruction from becoming an issue of debate, none the
less. Beginning as a low profile discourse, mainly in intellectual and
academic circles, reconstruction dramatically took centre stage with
the publication of the Beveridge Report in December 1942, thereafter becoming the leading issue in domesticpolitics and potentially a
significant influence on popular
region afflicted with irredentism, domesticpolitics encourages nationalist outbidding. Revolution in states such as Egypt and Iran has brought leaders to power who seek to export their ideology; in mobilising new social forces, it has tended to strengthen certain states and upset power balances. Demographic, ideological or political expansionist impulses have been built into the very fabric of some states, as is arguably so of Israel (a settler state) and Iraq (an artificial state), which, between them, have launched five wars against their neighbours. Weak or
Karl Magnus Johansson
Sweden: another awkward partner?
Introduction: reluctant yet faithful
Scholars of the European Union must lift the lid off the ‘black box’ of
domesticpolitics to understand the behaviour of Member States in the
integration processes. In this chapter, we will move inside the Swedish
polity by analysing domestic constraints and institutional characteristics.
The overarching aim is to capture the fundamentals of Sweden as an EU
member, thereby identifying the primary actors involved in the
’s ability to withstand the crisis, must be understood within the context of its domesticpolitical economy. While it was
arguably in China’s interest not to devalue the RMB during the height of
crisis, there are forces at work within the economy that may force China to
rethink this strategy in the future.
The economy: underlying strengths
Never in recorded history has an economy grown so rapidly and as extensively as that of post-Mao China. The Third Plenum of the Eleventh
Communist Party Congress in December 1978 saw the rise of the late Deng
Xiaoping as the paramount
of the poor within the imperial formation, and
provides a more satisfactory explanation of their chronology and nature
than those focusing exclusively on domesticpolitics and social policy.
In the following I wish to explore the workings of this symbolic
process. To understand the active construction of racial identities in
this period, we need to go beyond the convention of identifying
actors, akin to billiard
balls 9 whose outer shells
(diplomats, foreign ministers, prime ministers and heads of state) are
in contact. Further, a clear distinction is made between domesticpolitics and
international politics, with the former being seen as having little impact on the
latter save as regards aspects of power (power inputs). 10
Such views may seem today passé and social constructions
by recalcitrant realist scholars, but they are a fairly accurate