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The author reviews Barry Jenkins’s 2018 film adaptation of Baldwin’s novel, If Beale Street Could Talk, finding that Jenkins’s lush, painterly, and dreamlike visual style successfully translates Baldwin’s cadenced prose into cinematic language. But in interpreting the novel as the “perfect fusion” of the anger of Baldwin’s essays and the sensuality of his fiction, Jenkins overlooks the novel’s most significant aspect, its gender politics. Baldwin began working on If Beale Street Could Talk shortly after being interviewed by Black Arts poet Nikki Giovanni for the PBS television show, Soul!. Giovanni’s rejection of Baldwin’s claims that for black men to overcome the injuries of white supremacy they needed to fulfill the breadwinner role prompted him to rethink his understanding of African American manhood and deeply influenced his representation of the novel’s black male characters. The novel aims to disarticulate black masculinity from patriarchy. Jenkins’s misunderstanding of this aspect of the novel surfaces in his treatment of the character of Frank, who in the novel serves as an example of the destructiveness of patriarchal masculinity, and in his rewriting of the novel’s ending.

James Baldwin Review
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Digital Bodies, Data and Gifts

’ , Sociology Compass , 11 : 11 . Wissinger , E. ( 2018 ), ‘ Blood, Sweat, and Tears: Navigating Creepy versus Cool in Wearable Biotech’ , Information, Communication & Society , 21 : 5 , 779 – 85 . Woodlock , D. ( 2017 ), ‘ The Abuse of Technology in Domestic Violence and Stalking’ , Violence

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The return of the repressed in Roddy Doyle’s Paula Spencer

the role of intercessor for the subjugated with The Woman Who Walked Into Doors, it is not surprising that Doyle attempts to rewrite the stories of ‘racist youth’ and discredit those who promote Irish homogeneity. Doyle exposes the fiction that the patriarchalwhite-Catholic-Irish-male is the definition of authentic Irishness. No one would have thought of Paula Spencer as ‘typically Irish’ in the late 1990s, but Doyle brought domestic violence and chronic alcoholism to 9780719075636_4_015.qxd 16/2/09 9:29 AM Page 261 ‘What’s it like being Irish?’ 261 national

in Irish literature since 1990
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campaigning. Moreover, the anti-sexism movement has had to face accusations of ‘political correctness’ by Conservatives and liberals who see it as a form of cultural coercion. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Until the 1970s the existence of widespread violence by men against their female partners was scarcely recognised. It was almost impossible for women Issues concerning women 103 to persuade the police to prosecute in such cases. Furthermore, it was recognised that many women were suffering systematic violence but were trapped by circumstances – usually poverty and responsibility

in Understanding British and European political issues

the mainstream media’s unjust representation of the issue of domestic violence: The domestic violence issue is one of the key areas of propaganda-creation in the now relentless attack on the character of men and fathers.… I would hope that men would begin to take a look at the society they are alleged to dominate, and ask themselves: where is the evidence of such domination in a society which demonises and denigrates them at every turn, which conspires to steal their children at the whim of mothers and institutions.39 He chides the Irish government for having

in The end of Irish history?
Corpse, bodypolitics and contestation in contemporary Guatemala

ideological group. Both crimes are directed towards a category, not a specific subject. Feminicides are not ordinary crimes, sexually motivated gender crimes or crimes related to domestic violence, as often asserted by law enforcers, authorities or some activists. Like other forms of violence, feminicide has an expressive dimension. According to Segato, however, the prevalence of the expressive dimension of the violence also makes feminicides ‘crimes of corporation’. The corporative dimension is important to Segato’s definition, as ‘corporation’ is understood to entail the

in Governing the dead
State-based institutions to advocate for gender equality

degree that they may be granted automatic rights to review projects before approval by central economic planning units, or to review submissions for Cabinet decisions. • Units with implementation responsibilities. These WID/ GAD units create programmes which are designed to have a demonstration effect, inspiring replication in other areas of government activity. They also respond to policy needs not well catered for elsewhere, for example by setting up shelters for victims of domestic violence. But the typically low level of resources for policy implementation means

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
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non-neutral relation to personal and domestic life, it also upheld practices within the marketplace, which presumed that those engaged in waged-work could rely on the support and care of someone at home. To add to the insult, from the perspective of women, the principle of non-intervention in the private sphere has been used by the state to justify inaction regarding cases of child abuse, marital rape and domestic violence

in Political concepts
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Conceptual links to institutional machineries

mainstream attention should be to once sidelined ‘women’s’ issues such as domestic violence and reproductive health (see Staudt, 1998). Yet advocates must start somewhere, and that somewhere often begins in national machineries. However, to celebrate multiple strategies is not to praise our still-lacking means of measuring the policy outcomes in meaningful ways at the global, national and local levels — means that respect the rich and diverse historical and multi-cultural realities of those grandiose to minuscule spaces. While we enjoy the complex and profound thinking of

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
continuity, innovation and renewal

advantage of differentiating Rodríguez Zapatero’s PSOE from that of Felipe González, which, as we have seen, lost credibility due to the involvement of party figures in corruption cases during the PSOE’s final years in office. The first legislation which the Rodríguez Zapatero Government placed on the statute book in December 2004 was concerned with the issue of domestic violence, which the government viewed as being a flagrant violation of human rights, denying women their full rights as citizens. Expenditure on tackling domestic violence was to total over half a billion

in In search of social democracy