Labour and cultural change
Author: Steven Fielding

This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.

Arthur B. Gunlicks

chap 11 27/5/03 12:03 pm Page 360 11 European and foreign policy of the Länder Introduction At first it would appear that this chapter is misnamed. Surely “European and Foreign Policy” are themes that belong to the federal government. They do, of course, but the Länder are not irrelevant in these areas. Indeed, European policy is now to a considerable extent domestic policy, and many responsibilities that have traditionally belonged to the Länder have been and are today the subjects of European Community – now EU – regulations and legislation. The efforts

in The Länder and German federalism
New Labour and public sector reform
Eric Shaw

8 The meaning of modernisation: New Labour and public sector reform Eric Shaw Introduction If there is a dominant motif in Labour’s approach to the conduct of domestic policy, it is ‘modernisation’ – and its synonym, ‘reform’. No set of institutions were more frequently and in a more thoroughgoing and sustained manner the object of modernisation than the public services.1 ‘The reform of our public services’, John Reid declared, ‘is the crucible in which the future shape of the progressive centre-left politics is being forged’ (Reid 2005). It was, the Prime

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Ross M. English

concerned with domestic policy; the area in which Congress is usually dominant. Foreign policy, on the other hand, has been historically the domain of the President. Military action often needs immediate decisions, something which a Congress of 535 members is not best suited to take. However, as the example above shows, Congress also has a role to play. The President is Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and along with the Pentagon and State Department decides on America’s military and diplomatic strategies. Like all power in Washington DC, the Constitution ensures

in The United States Congress
Ross M. English

position in regards to foreign policy, but Congress played the dominant role in the areas of domestic policy played by the federal government. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt (served 1901–09) and Woodrow Wilson (1913–21), the so-called ‘progressive Presidents’, both attempted to extend the influence of the presidency to areas of domestic policy, particularly the area of business monopolies. Both were unsuccessful as Congress spurned what it saw as an intrusion into its Constitutional role. The whole balance of power changed in 1932 with the election of Franklin Delano

in The United States Congress
Open Access (free)
Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’s Histoire
Ben Dew

has set over Nations and Kingdoms.’60 To support such a thesis and to situate Elizabeth’s actions within a European context, Rapin utilised a number of other works of history, most notably George Buchanan’s and James Melville’s accounts of Scotland, Mézeray’s Histoire de France, and Grotius’s Annales et Historiæ de rebus Belgicus.61 His discussion of domestic policy and the circumstances that had caused England to flourish, however, was entirely based on material taken from Camden. So, as Camden had done, Rapin presented Elizabeth as a defender of the merchant

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Kevin Hickson

11 The continuing relevance of Croslandite social democracy Kevin Hickson The aim of this chapter is to argue that as social democrats look for an alternative to the New Labour/Third Way approach, as they inevitably must do given the rather moderate nature of many areas of domestic policy since 1997 and given the current economic crisis (leaving aside the disastrous foreign policy adventures of the Blair years, notably of course Iraq), we could find a number of relevant ideas in the British social democratic tradition, specifically in the work of Tony Crosland

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Francisco E. González and Desmond King

underestimates the endurance of group-based distinctions in American national identity. It neglects the continuing salience of issues once considered settled (as for instance in the movement for reparations for slavery) and overlooks how the United States’ international presence, as a defender and model of democracy, exposes its domestic policy to foreign scrutiny. Historians and social scientists have emphasized the ‘exceptional’ character of American democratization, a term with several implications. First, the weakness of class-based divisions – as expressed in political

in Democratization through the looking-glass
George Campbell Gosling

national network of new facilities to meet that demand were short-lived. Lloyd George's wartime coalition had been extended into peacetime, but became far less ambitious in domestic policy as Conservative voices calling for retrenchment came to dominate. 17 Instead, it was left to local health committees and individual institutions up and down the country to respond to and embrace the new era of hospital medicine. The four new arrivals in the

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
Jocelyn A. J. Evans

‘foreign’ affairs increasingly impinging on domestic affairs, the separation of domains will become increasingly untenable and unwanted. As such, presidential candidates within parties will have less opportunity to use these latter as their electoral support groups at one moment, and then ostracise them the next, any more than a prime minister is able to do this in a parliamentary system. For the moment, Chirac’s honeymoon period is allowing him to manipulate domestic policy, and fairly explicitly – the name of the new right-wing party emphasises that the governmental

in The French party system