This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
of violence’, ‘endingviolence’ and ‘re-embedding conﬂict.’
‘Dis-embedding’ is the process whereby conﬂict spins out of the socially constructed bonds designed to deal with it. There are four signiﬁcant markers that
accompany the dis-embedding of conﬂict, and each in its own right may serve as
an early warning indicator: the loss of the binding power of oﬃcial institutions;
the loss of the state’s legitimate monopoly of violence; access to resources for
organisers of violence; and the emergence of organised groups that partly substitute the
interpretations of the relationship between contraction into the ruptured body and release into a shared global space
constituted around the message of endingviolence against women
and girls. This strong political reading cannot ever be conceptualised
as a global language since it draws on numerous lived experiences of
moving bodies. Those bodies intervene and bring their own systems of
inscription to the moment of performance.
Whereas gumboot dancers who were assigned to a demarcated space
subverted it by using physical mechanisms of protecting their bodies
from injury in
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
If the local know-how of building cooperatives as networks of solidarity fails
to integrate with oﬃcial institutions it may instead be disruptive, as shown in
Grandits and Leutloﬀ’s and Mappes-Niedieck’s Chapters 1 and 5 on Kosovo and
Christophe’s Chapter 10 on Georgia in this volume.
Elwert’s Chapter 12 oﬀers insights into the economics of endingviolence. He
argues that violence can be ended by raising the costs of violence. This can be
achieved by closing the borders for supply, denying ‘rebels’ access to ﬁnancial
markets and eventually by external powers
. Kelleher and M. O’Connor, Making the Links: Towards an Integrated
Strategy Towards the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Intimate
Relationships with Men (Dublin: Women’s Aid, 1995).
42 H. Amaro, L. E. Fried, H. Cabral and B. Zuckerman, ‘Violence during
pregnancy and substance use’, American Journal of Public Health, 80:5
(1990), p. 575.
43 L. Heise, M. Ellsberg and M. Gottemoeller, EndingViolence Against
Women, Population Reports, series L, no. 11 (Baltimore: Population
Information Program, Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health,