Witnessing, retribution and domestic reform

11 Reconciliation after ethnic cleansing: witnessing, retribution and domestic reform John Borneman    conditions that might make possible reconciliation after ethnic cleansing? This chapter addresses reconciliation in light of specific ethnic cleansings and ‘ethnicisations’, with a focus on the most recent example in Bosnia. It neither elaborates a specific case nor makes specific historical–cultural comparisons. The potential contribution is theoretical, specifying psycho-social terms and processes integral to reconciliation after violent conflicts. The

in Potentials of disorder

2504Chap3 7/4/03 3:53 pm Page 48 3 Ethnic conflict and Eurasian security Stuart Kaufman What role does ethnic conflict play in Eurasian security affairs? Just breaking this question down into its component parts uncovers a vast array of apparent influences. Ethnic conflict is, first of all, clearly a cause of internal conflict and insecurity, as demonstrated by the problems in Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Cyprus, Georgia, Chechnya and Mountainous Karabagh. Furthermore, it is a key cause of international security problems, as the above list of ethnic civil

in Limiting institutions?
Scenarios in south east Europe

4 Land reforms and ethnic tensions: scenarios in south east Europe Christian Giordano Introduction: ‘Staatsnation’ and the ‘purity myth’    and eastern Europe the specific combination of territory, language, creed with citizenship and/or nationality, is generally perceived as an invariable and inviolable heritage of individual and collective ‘identities’ (Conte 1995: 138). It is a widespread belief that can be found even in the most common aspects of everyday life. This belief reaches its political–institutional achievement in the concept of

in Potentials of disorder

2 Histories of ethnicity, nation and migration Nationhood, ethnicity and migration have been linked in south-east Europe, including the Yugoslav region, since the descendants of Slav clans who migrated there from Central Asia in the sixth to eighth centuries CE and others living there who came to share their collective identity started to understand themselves as nations – however long ago or recently that might be (Fine 2006 ). Ottoman rule in south-east Europe, moreover, both represented and caused further migration. The region's nineteenth

in Race and the Yugoslav region

FAD4 10/17/2002 5:43 PM Page 53 4 From ethnic to legal and economic separatism Federalism and the ‘parade of sovereignties’ With a population of 145 million citizens the Russian Federation is one of the most populous and ethnically diverse states in the world. Within its vast territory, which encompasses one-eighth of the world’s land surface, reside 128 officially recognised nations and ethnic groups.1 As we discussed in chapter 2, of the 89 republics and regions that make up the Russian Federation, 32 are based on ethnic criteria; namely, 21 republics, 10

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
‘Locals’ and ‘Moroccans’ in the Sainte-Foy-Bordeaux vineyards

4 Ethnic identity, power, compromise, and territory: ‘locals’ and ‘Moroccans’ in the Sainte-Foy-Bordeaux vineyards Chantal Crenn This contribution concerns the process of dynamic construction of the concept of territory, stressing its variations and instabilities. We take as the definition of ‘territory’ the whole of inhabited landscape and the collective representations of it by the humans who live within it (Simon 1981). At the same time it is produced by them and incorporated into their history and their culture. In this particular way it pertains to ethnic

in Alternative countrysides

This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

while maintaining an uneven distribution of the spoils to their own benefit, local commanders relied on military units formed along tribal lines, giving the appearance of ethnic conflicts, or, as the MSF’s report had it, ‘intercommunal violence’, to what can be more adequately referred to as ‘rent-seeking rebellions’ ( ibid .: 350). Events in Jonglei in 2011–12 had followed precisely that pattern, which de Waal analysed: These rebellions follow a characteristic cycle of mutiny, counterattack (both of which entail high levels of fatalities among soldiers and civilians

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

71 countries registering a reduction in political rights and civil liberties ( Freedom House, 2018 ). All of which puts the viability of global liberal institutions increasingly in doubt. This idea of a protected place where, regardless of one’s identity (ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender, sexuality, but also whether or not one is a dissident), one’s basic rights are secure is constitutively liberal. As fewer and fewer governments, and more and more people, view the existence of such a sanctuary within society as fanciful, illegitimate and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

of humanitarian staff, different individual profiles are exposed to different levels of risk according to, inter alia, age, ethnicity, gender, nationality and sexuality ( EISF, 2018 ). In some cases, as in the bombings of ICRC and UN headquarters in Iraq in 2003, aid agencies and their staff are specifically targeted, and this could explain singling staff out from the rest of the civilian population on a case-by-case basis. However, it is not evident that the category of ‘staff’ is always and everywhere subject to a more distinct set of threats and vulnerabilities

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs