Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
interaction. My empirical work highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exerciseofpower. The
focus on normative discourse highlights the realm of narrative practices, but to become meaningful these must be
situated – and studied empirically – within the concrete
matrices of social action. The demand for self-reflection
implies incessant interrogation of one’s own relationship
to the value-claims of the observed actors. Although no
transcendental authority is claimed for this version of anthropology, it reflects concerns common to the
border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? By illustrating relations
of deference, plumbing episodes of controversy, and highlighting the quiet
‘work’ of various kinds involved in sustaining and expanding cooperation
in the Arctic, I hope to show how dynamic and layered with power relations
Arctic cooperation itself is. Acknowledging the exerciseofpower without
positing the existence of open conflict allows us to consider how Arctic
cooperation is constantly shored up through various kinds of context-
. Social gradations were recognised
in all contemporary writings, not only most obviously by late twelfthcentury writers such as Andreas Capellanus and Étienne de Fougères,
but also in charters through hierarchically organised witness lists, and
in the Rotuli de Dominabus. Social gradations based on rank mattered.
They defined and underpinned the exerciseofpower.8 Noblewomen
were also defined by their marital status. Such a project must take account
of the complexities of gender and lordship in defining social gradations.
The debate over lordship, the way that women
/ward-level planning) and
preparing panchayat budget.
• Roles and responsibility in the exerciseofpower to participate and articulate
effectively their concerns and priorities in the meetings of gram sabha and
The facilitators were well rooted in the issues relating to SC leadership. By using
participatory learning methods, they facilitated the learner group to understand
their roles as people’s representatives. Training methodology was a mix of participatory learning and action methods such
exerciseofpower that define the state. The history of colonialism has further compounded this dynamic. It is here that the pseudo-choice of human rights as either a matter of abstract universalism or of relativism (neatly identified with the contours of the state) is claimed to be definitive.
Thus to step aside from the effort to ground once and for all an orientation towards non-injury, a respect for or even a cherishing of others in models of universality is to embrace neither relativism nor an ethical vacuum. The often rather parochial
balance. But there was always a suspicion that the trend would
tail off as soon as the party left office.
It can be argued, though, that since their landslide defeat in the May
1997 general election, the Conservatives have been more interesting even
than they were in the late 1980s, when it seemed that their hold on power
was unshakeable. Suddenly that ruthless, relentless election-winning machine
looked terribly vulnerable, and an organisation that thrives on the exerciseofpower seemed disorientated. The 1997 election produced the Conservatives’ heaviest defeat of
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).