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Editor: Peter Burnell

Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.

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social interaction. My empirical work highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. The focus on normative discourse highlights the realm of narrative practices, but to become meaningful these must be situated – and studied empirically – within the concrete matrices of social action. The demand for self-reflection implies incessant interrogation of one’s own relationship to the value-claims of the observed actors. Although no transcendental authority is claimed for this version of anthropology, it reflects concerns common to the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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A power perspective on Arctic governance

shaping cross-​ border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? By illustrating relations of deference, plumbing episodes of controversy, and highlighting the quiet ‘work’ of various kinds involved in sustaining and expanding cooperation 1 2 Arctic governance in the Arctic, I hope to show how dynamic and layered with power relations Arctic cooperation itself is. Acknowledging the exercise of power without positing the existence of open conflict allows us to consider how Arctic cooperation is constantly shored up through various kinds of context-​ specific

in Arctic governance
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. Social gradations were recognised in all contemporary writings, not only most obviously by late twelfthcentury writers such as Andreas Capellanus and Étienne de Fougères, but also in charters through hierarchically organised witness lists, and in the Rotuli de Dominabus. Social gradations based on rank mattered. They defined and underpinned the exercise of power.8 Noblewomen were also defined by their marital status. Such a project must take account of the complexities of gender and lordship in defining social gradations. The debate over lordship, the way that women

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

/ward-level planning) and preparing panchayat budget. • Roles and responsibility in the exercise of power to participate and articulate effectively their concerns and priorities in the meetings of gram sabha and panchayats. 111 MUP_Hall.indd 111 30/07/2013 17:16 case studies Training methodology The facilitators were well rooted in the issues relating to SC leadership. By using participatory learning methods, they facilitated the learner group to understand their roles as people’s representatives. Training methodology was a mix of participatory learning and action methods such

in Knowledge, democracy and action
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exercise of power that define the state. The history of colonialism has further compounded this dynamic. It is here that the pseudo-choice of human rights as either a matter of abstract universalism or of relativism (neatly identified with the contours of the state) is claimed to be definitive. Thus to step aside from the effort to ground once and for all an orientation towards non-injury, a respect for or even a cherishing of others in models of universality is to embrace neither relativism nor an ethical vacuum. The often rather parochial

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
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balance. But there was always a suspicion that the trend would tail off as soon as the party left office. It can be argued, though, that since their landslide defeat in the May 1997 general election, the Conservatives have been more interesting even than they were in the late 1980s, when it seemed that their hold on power was unshakeable. Suddenly that ruthless, relentless election-winning machine looked terribly vulnerable, and an organisation that thrives on the exercise of power seemed disorientated. The 1997 election produced the Conservatives’ heaviest defeat of

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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especially, in countries considered as exemplars for new and emerging democracies. The development of strategies under the umbrella of legal technical assistance that seek to enhance the standing of political decision-makers while remaining compatible with the principle of judicial oversight poses perhaps one of the most important challenges for democratization in the present century. Countries in the process of devising new institutions for a democratic political regime aiming to give enhanced legitimacy to the exercise of power have much to learn from the experience of

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Witnessing, retribution and domestic reform

limitations of many Truth Commissions is that they explicitly make telling the truth a substitute for any retribution. It is necessary to create public forums, including newsprint, radio and television, where participants feel compelled to hear, to weigh and judge competing accounts, and ultimately to openly acknowledge the ambivalence and complicities in the exercise of power, and the power of truth and trust in social relations. Listening, in this sense, as a necessary precondition to giving voice, creates the possibility for departure, for a ‘sense of ending’, rupture

in Potentials of disorder
The PRIA experience

monopoly that PRIA has aspired to break for the past three decades. The work began with two enduring partnerships: International Council for Adult Education (ICAE) during the formative years in the 1980s, and the Institute of Development Research (IDR) during the 1990s. In post-industrial society, information, knowledge and knowledge production are key sources of power, like capital. In a knowledged society, inequality results when people with access to knowledge exert power over those having little or no access to knowledge. This exercise of power perpetuates one group

in Knowledge, democracy and action