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Suhad Daher-Nashif

This article aims to shed light on the post-mortem practices for Palestinian dead bodies when there is suspicion of human rights violations by Israeli military forces. By focusing on the case of Omran Abu Hamdieh from Al-Khalil (Hebron), the article explores the interactions between Palestinian social-institutional agents, Israeli military forces and international medico-legal agents. Drawing on ethnographic and archival data, the article explores how the intersectionality between the various controlling powers is inscribed over the Palestinian dead bodies and structures their death rites. The article claims that inviting foreign medico-legal experts in the Palestinian context could reveal the true death story and the human rights violations, but also reaffirms the sovereignty of the Israeli military forces over the Palestinian dead and lived bodies.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Fabien Provost

In contemporary forensic medicine, in India, the label of complete autopsy applies to a whole range of post-mortem examinations which can present consid- erable differences in view of the intellectual resources, time, personnel and material means they involve. From various sources available in India and elsewhere, stems the idea that, whatever the type of case and its apparent obviousness, a complete autopsy implies opening the abdomen, the thorax and the skull and dissecting the organs they contain. Since the nineteenth century, procedural approaches of complete autopsies have competed with a practical sense of completeness which requires doctors to think their cases according to their history. Relying on two case studies observed in the frame of an ethnographic study of eleven months in medical colleges of North India, the article suggests that the practical completeness of autopsies is attained when all aspects of the history of the case are made sense of with regard to the observation of the body. Whereas certain autopsies are considered obvious and imply a reduced amount of time in the autopsy room, certain others imply successive redefinitions of what complete implies and the realisation of certain actions which would not have been performed otherwise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
Why exhume? Why identify?
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

, accor­ ding to the German killers’ official statistics) in September 1941. A nearby dam gave way in the late 1960s, and the subsequent flooding unearthed hundreds of bodies that were then reinterred without any attempt at identification.6 Other cases may be cited, such as the graves of the Dachau concentration camp, discovered by chance during excavation work for the construction of a road in 1948. The unearthed bodies were then identified by means of the forensic medicine of the time.7 There are even cases where there has been the discovery and identification of

in Human remains and identification
Open Access (free)
Theoretical approaches
Finn Stepputat

the production of knowledge and policies of public health. Another development was the emergence of forensic medicine, which – with great disparities – became part and parcel of the state procedures surrounding dead bodies, with particular importance for the enforcement of state criminal law. In regard to (necro-political aspects of) sovereignty, forensic medicine and the associated state laws and procedures are essential to upholding the state’s claim to a monopoly of legitimate force and the elimination of killing with impunity. Thus, on this background it is not

in Governing the dead
Fateful splitting in the Victorian insanity trial
Joel Peter Eigen

first time in the history of forensic medicine that the needs of law would serve to reify, however inadvertently, the clinical practitioner’s claims to expertise. Notes 1 For a comprehensive study of the McNaughtan trial and its political context, see Richard Moran, Knowing Right From Wrong: the Insanity Defense of Daniel McNaughtan (New York: Free Press, 1981). 2 Nigel D. Walker, Crime and Insanity in England, vol. 1: the Historical Perspective (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968). 3 According to John Henry Wigmore, the witness must speak as a knower, not a

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
The forensic and political lives of secondary mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Admir Jugo and Sari Wastell

66 67 68 69 70 A. Mašović, ‘Zalazje je osmadeseta masovna grobnica ubijenih Srebreničana’ (Zalazje is the eightieth mass grave of those killed in Srebrenica), Dnevni Avaz, 4 December 2009, 5. M. Vennemeyer, ‘An analysis of linkages between robbed primary graves and secondary graves related to Srebrenica missing’, presented at 21st International Meeting on Forensic Medicine Alpe-Adria-Pannonia, Sarajevo, 30 May–2 June 2012. Ibid. Janc, ‘Srebrenica investigation’. US Naval Criminal Investigative Service, ‘International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia

in Human remains and identification
Where and when does the violence end?
David M. Anderson and Paul J. Lane

Medical Pathology at the University of Cape Town in 1950, Rogoff died in Israel in 2013. After serving as Assistant Director of Laboratory Services, and then as Director of the Medical Research Laboratories of the Kenya Ministry of Health, from 1960 to 1971, during which time he helped establish forensic medicine, Rogoff moved to Israel. There he altered the spelling of his name to Maurice Rogov and took on scientific work with the government. His most famous cases included the forensic identification of the 33 The unburied victims of the Mau Mau Rebellion   33 Nazi

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Birgit Lang, Joy Damousi, and Alison Lewis

-finding forced psychiatrists like KrafftEbing to think more deeply about the evidentiary value of their sources. The same concern with testimony and truth-finding also made the medical case study attractive to a range of disciplines and fields of knowledge that relied on the spoken and written word, such as psychoanalysis and litera­ ture. The fact that medical interest in sexuality in the nineteenth century was ‘intrinsically linked to forensic medicine’ – as Harry Oosterhuis has forcefully stated – meant, furthermore, that the human case study was situated at the

in A history of the case study
Open Access (free)
The French search mission for the corpses of deportees in Germany, 1946–58
Jean-Marc Dreyfus

Mémoire de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, 9:9–2 (1982), pp. 103–7. I consulted the copies of 254 forms provided for exhumation requests in Bergen-Belsen and I was struck by the scarcity of information. For example, very few of the forms had been completed by dentists. Vallois et al., ‘Données anthropologiques’, p. 68. Were these doctors trained in forensic medicine under the Nazi regime? Vallois et al., ‘Données anthropologiques’, p. 68. Ibid., p. 80. See a description of the controversy that was finally closed in 1969 in J.-M. Dreyfus, ‘Conflits de mémoires

in Human remains and mass violence
Birgit Lang

in 1914–15, Germany’s new penal code rested ‘to no small extent upon the work of the I.K.V.’ 19 Wulffen’s encounter with Liszt’s modern school of criminology in 1903 had a palpable effect on his writings, and forms the beginning of Wulffen’s new appreciation of the case study genre, a genre which had already defined his everyday work as a state prosecutor for several years. The passion and playfulness that Wulffen displayed in his engagement with this genre were mediated through forensic medicine and shaped by his humanistic education as well as his literary

in A history of the case study