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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

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The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy

more prominently than before (Article 11). The inclusion of migration extends the agreement and accommodates growing European concerns explicitly (Article 13). The Cotonou Agreement also proposes finally to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda (Article 36). These changes need to be seen in the context of the April 2000 elaboration of new Commission guidelines for development policy. These include the desire 149 EUD9 10/28/03 3:16 PM Page 150

in EU development cooperation

countries. It could be argued that the Commission was influenced by the business associations because the 1995 agreement included a free trade agreement. However, it should be noted that the Commission’s general agenda also promoted free trade. Interestingly, other sectors such as agriculture also lobbied the Commission in order to express their opposition to a free trade agreement and in the end words such as ‘free trade’ were taken out of the Council directives passed to the Commission for the negotiation of the agreement. The claim that the Commission was influenced

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Still unique or just one in the crowd?

region by the US, which has promoted the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and proposed a Free Trade Area of the Americas. Hazel Smith (1998: 166) has argued: ‘The EU’s impetus to closer links with Latin America derives from global structural economic changes. It was also partly a response to the economic interventionism of the Clinton administration. The designated beneficiaries of the EU’s policy are European business and, more intangibly, the European global political presence.’ Countering the soft security threat of the illegal drugs trade has also

in EU development cooperation
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The new Europe takes shape

–German marriage, and economic Europe had begun to overlap more with the Europe of security and defence. Free trade agreements with the, by now, reduced EFTA (Denmark and the United Kingdom had left for the EEC, although Iceland had joined) brought further impetus to West European economic co-operation and allayed British and Danish fears that their links with EFTA countries would be impaired. The ‘yes’ in the British referendum of 1975 on continued membership in the EEC, by a margin of 67 per cent to 33 per cent, confirmed that country’s basic satisfaction with the gains made

in Destination Europe
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Europeanisation and Belgian federalism

Free movement of workers 7 Social policy 4 Freedom of establishment 8 Environment 2 Free trade agreements 1 Intellectual property 2 Intellectual property 2 Transport 2 Protocol on privilege and immunity 1 Brussels convention 1 Public health 1 Consumers 1 5 Co-operation agreement 1 Free movement of persons 1 Sex discrimination Social welfare 22 Social policy 4 Free trade agreements 1 State aid 1 Protocol on privilege and immunity 1 Supremacy of EC law 1 Public health 1 Transport 2 State aid 1 It is interesting to note

in Fifteen into one?
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The study of European Union relations with Mercosur

analysis, this book compares the different arguments in the existing literature on EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to the three key stages, in order to examine their explanatory capacity over time. The importance of this analysis is based on the fact that EU–Mercosur relations are the first of the new phenomenon of inter-regionalism. More­ over, they included the first negotiations for a free trade agreement (FTA) between two regions. As such, the EU–Mercosur relationship has a prominent place in the literature on the EU as a global actor. This monograph argues

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
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Bank and the International Monetary Fund play a (controversial) part in economic policy-making in the region. However, such involvement is no substitute for the prospect of joining a powerful collective. Even the North American Free Trade Agreement, which is a far looser kind of organization than the European Union, has demonstrably influenced the process of institutional change in Mexico. Conclusions Latin American countries returned to democracy sooner than other ‘third wave’ countries in the developing world. Latin America raises issues concerning democratic

in Democratization through the looking-glass
From an enabling towards a disabling state?

(Pontusson, 2005). In virtually no other area can the balance of power shift as quickly as in the employment system, which is not without consequences for state action. While education and welfare systems, which are largely state-dominated, often exhibit considerable durability and path dependency, the same does not necessarily apply to 48 Making work more equal industrial relations. As a result of the deregulation of product and labour markets, free trade agreements, the privatisation of state activities, the transfer of functions from highly unionised plants to

in Making work more equal
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Union and EFTA (and about a dozen other, less far-reaching trade arrangements in different parts of the world), would now have to be added the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) involving Canada, Mexico and the United States. In addition, a whole series of more extensive regional free-trade agreements were concluded: in Latin America (Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market, the Caribbean Community and Common Market), in SouthEast Asia (Asian Free Trade Association) and in the Pacific rim including the United States and Canada (Asia

in Destination Europe