At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy
Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson
more prominently than before
(Article 11). The inclusion of migration extends the agreement and accommodates growing European concerns explicitly (Article 13). The Cotonou
Agreement also proposes finally to end the preferential trade margins accorded
to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal freetradeagreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda (Article 36).
These changes need to be seen in the context of the April 2000 elaboration
of new Commission guidelines for development policy. These include the desire
countries. It could be argued that the Commission was
influenced by the business associations because the 1995 agreement included
a freetradeagreement. However, it should be noted that the Commission’s
general agenda also promoted free trade. Interestingly, other sectors such
as agriculture also lobbied the Commission in order to express their opposition to a freetradeagreement and in the end words such as ‘free trade’
were taken out of the Council directives passed to the Commission for the
negotiation of the agreement. The claim that the Commission was influenced
region by the US, which
has promoted the North American FreeTradeAgreement (NAFTA) and proposed a Free Trade Area of the Americas. Hazel Smith (1998: 166) has argued:
‘The EU’s impetus to closer links with Latin America derives from global structural economic changes. It was also partly a response to the economic interventionism of the Clinton administration. The designated beneficiaries of the
EU’s policy are European business and, more intangibly, the European global
political presence.’ Countering the soft security threat of the illegal drugs trade
–German marriage, and economic Europe had begun
to overlap more with the Europe of security and defence. Freetradeagreements with the, by now, reduced EFTA (Denmark and the United
Kingdom had left for the EEC, although Iceland had joined) brought
further impetus to West European economic co-operation and allayed
British and Danish fears that their links with EFTA countries would be
impaired. The ‘yes’ in the British referendum of 1975 on continued
membership in the EEC, by a margin of 67 per cent to 33 per cent,
confirmed that country’s basic satisfaction with the gains made
The study of European Union relations with Mercosur
Arantza Gomez Arana
analysis, this book compares the different arguments
in the existing literature on EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to
the three key stages, in order to examine their explanatory capacity over
The importance of this analysis is based on the fact that EU–Mercosur
relations are the first of the new phenomenon of inter-regionalism. More
over, they included the first negotiations for a freetradeagreement (FTA)
between two regions. As such, the EU–Mercosur relationship has a prominent place in the literature on the EU as a global actor.
This monograph argues
Christian Franck, Hervé Leclercq and Claire Vandevievere
Free movement of workers
Freedom of establishment
Protocol on privilege and immunity
Free movement of persons
Protocol on privilege and immunity
Supremacy of EC law
It is interesting to note
://dfat.gov.au/trade/topics/investment/Pages/which-countries-invest-in-australia.aspx , accessed 11 March 2019.
7 On the issue of health policy in the Australia–US FreeTradeAgreement see T. Faunce , ‘ How the Australia–US freetradeagreement compromised the pharmaceutical benefits scheme ’, Australian Journal of International Affairs , 69 : 5 ( 2015 ), pp. 473 – 8 .
8 J. Bader , Obama and China’s Rise: An Insider’s Account of America’s Asia Strategy ( Washington, DC : Brookings Institution Press , 2012 ).
9 S. Harris , @war: The Rise of the Military-Internet Complex ( Boston : Mariner , 2014 ), pp. 52 – 3 .
10 E. Bienvenue
Bank and the International Monetary Fund play a (controversial) part in economic policy-making in the region. However, such involvement is no substitute for the prospect of
joining a powerful collective. Even the North American
FreeTradeAgreement, which is a far looser kind of organization than the European Union, has demonstrably influenced
the process of institutional change in Mexico.
Latin American countries returned to democracy sooner
than other ‘third wave’ countries in the developing world.
Latin America raises issues concerning democratic
(Pontusson, 2005). In virtually
no other area can the balance of power shift as quickly as in the employment
system, which is not without consequences for state action. While education
and welfare systems, which are largely state-dominated, often exhibit considerable durability and path dependency, the same does not necessarily apply to
Making work more equal
industrial relations. As a result of the deregulation of product and labour markets, freetradeagreements, the privatisation of state activities, the transfer of
functions from highly unionised plants to