Labour and cultural change
Author: Steven Fielding

This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.

Steven Fielding

‘materialistic and self-seeking’. Whatever its nature, she believed the party should acquire a ‘deeper understanding and appreciation’ of the young.24 The revisionist MP John Mackintosh was similarly unclear what the generation gap represented. He thought those who joined Oxfam or War on Want shared his values, as they believed in steady ‘progress’. However, he looked on the ‘flower people and the freak outs’ with despair because they rejected gradual improvement and established politics. If he did not condemn their values, Mackintosh admitted he could not understand them.25

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Closeness and distance in LGBTQ+ women’s relationships
Annukka Lahti

together. And I was there at home doing housework, taking care of that [so that] everything works at least somehow.’ Yet, again, the matter is complex and might have to do with the generational gap between the two women. When Katja had wished Laura would take a bigger part in their public life as a family and socialising with Katja’s friends, Laura missed the lesbian community she

in Affective intimacies
Open Access (free)
Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain
Steven Fielding

process, with manifestations ranging from, at the start of the decade, the formation of street gangs to, at its end, university students demanding greater control of their curriculum. Some saw these expressions of intergenerational conflict as of great moment: a few suggested the ‘generation gap’ had even replaced class as the most important social cleavage.89 Tension between young and old was not new. The former had long socialised separately and created ways to emphasise their distinctiveness, and some authorities believe a fully formed youth culture was established

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Neil Macmaster

order or collaborationist demonstrations through stone-throwing.24 There are indications that teenage girls or young women shared in this radicalisation of youth and there existed a growing political and generation gap between them and older, more conservative women. A Fifth Bureau report noted instances of growing hostility by boys and girls, influenced by the FLN, towards their mothers for listening to French propaganda and, ‘threaten their mother when she comes into the house by saying she has been “to listen to propaganda” and they are happy to think she will be

in Burning the veil
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

was superfluous or undesirable. Teodor Shanin, the Lithuanian-born Professor of Sociology, arranged in 1989 for young Soviet sociologists to attend summer schools in Manchester and to rectify, on behalf of Gorbachev’s regime, the shortage of sociologists in the USSR which had occurred ‘in the generation of Brezhnev’. Sociology had then been proscribed as a bourgeois discipline, thus creating an extraordinary generation gap, for leading Soviet sociologists were either in their sixties or in their twenties, with nobody in between. Despite its desire to see an end of

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Caroline Rusterholz

profession; in response to their elders’ objections, younger physicians stated that ‘opposition to birth control had become counterproductive’, making the profession appear ‘reactionary or inhuman’. 9 Conflicting stances linked to a generational gap within the medical community characterised the first decade of the expansion of birth control clinics. In this controversial context, a limited group of vocal female doctors, drawing on their own experience in birth control clinics, alongside male doctors

in Women’s medicine
Birgit Lang

. 142–5. 85 Uhl, Das ‘verbrecherische Weib’, p. 115. 86 Elder, Murder Scenes, pp. 164–88. 87 Luke Springman, ‘Poisoned Hearts, Diseased Minds, and American Pimps: The Language of Censorship in the Schund und Schmutz Debates’, German Quarterly, 68:4 (1995), pp. 408–29, p. 408. ∙ 152 ∙ Erich Wulffen and the case of the criminal 88 ‘Von all diesen Dingen nähren sich zu viele, Alte und Junge.’ Wulffen, Irrwege des Eros, p. 18. 89 Wulffen, Irrwege des Eros, pp. 6–9. 90 On the generation gap see Detlev Peukert, Weimar Germany (New York: Hill & Wang, 1992), pp

in A history of the case study
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

added fuel to extremist, anti-foreigner parties? The alternative could be to try to encourage higher birth rates through taxation policies and the like. In many countries two bread-winners are necessary for a typical family to make ends meet. Even so, many women feel they want to make a career or at least to do ‘something useful’ and so delay the first child until they are in their thirties. This leads to longer ‘inter-generation gaps’ and hence to reduced birth rates, as also do fewer children per couple. Globalisation Today, more people, and more world regions, are

in Destination Europe