This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.
‘materialistic and self-seeking’. Whatever its nature, she
believed the party should acquire a ‘deeper understanding and appreciation’ of the young.24 The revisionist MP John Mackintosh was similarly
unclear what the generationgap represented. He thought those who
joined Oxfam or War on Want shared his values, as they believed in
steady ‘progress’. However, he looked on the ‘flower people and the
freak outs’ with despair because they rejected gradual improvement and
established politics. If he did not condemn their values, Mackintosh
admitted he could not understand them.25
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Closeness and distance in LGBTQ+ women’s relationships
together. And I was there at home doing housework, taking care of
that [so that] everything works at least somehow.’ Yet,
again, the matter is complex and might have to do with the
generationalgap between the two women. When Katja had wished Laura
would take a bigger part in their public life as a family and
socialising with Katja’s friends, Laura missed the lesbian
process, with manifestations ranging from, at the start of the decade, the
formation of street gangs to, at its end, university students demanding
greater control of their curriculum. Some saw these expressions of intergenerational conflict as of great moment: a few suggested the ‘generationgap’ had even replaced class as the most important social cleavage.89
Tension between young and old was not new. The former had long
socialised separately and created ways to emphasise their distinctiveness,
and some authorities believe a fully formed youth culture was established
order or collaborationist demonstrations through stone-throwing.24 There are indications that teenage girls or young women shared
in this radicalisation of youth and there existed a growing political and
generationgap between them and older, more conservative women. A
Fifth Bureau report noted instances of growing hostility by boys and
girls, influenced by the FLN, towards their mothers for listening to
French propaganda and, ‘threaten their mother when she comes into
the house by saying she has been “to listen to propaganda” and they are
happy to think she will be
superfluous or undesirable. Teodor Shanin, the Lithuanian-born
Professor of Sociology, arranged in 1989 for young Soviet sociologists
to attend summer schools in Manchester and to rectify, on behalf of
Gorbachev’s regime, the shortage of sociologists in the USSR which
had occurred ‘in the generation of Brezhnev’. Sociology had then
been proscribed as a bourgeois discipline, thus creating an extraordinary generationgap, for leading Soviet sociologists were either in
their sixties or in their twenties, with nobody in between.
Despite its desire to see an end of
profession; in response to their elders’ objections, younger physicians stated that ‘opposition to birth control had become counterproductive’, making the profession appear ‘reactionary or inhuman’.
Conflicting stances linked to a generationalgap within the medical community characterised the first decade of the expansion of birth control clinics.
In this controversial context, a limited group of vocal female doctors, drawing on their own experience in birth control clinics, alongside male doctors
85 Uhl, Das ‘verbrecherische Weib’, p. 115.
86 Elder, Murder Scenes, pp. 164–88.
87 Luke Springman, ‘Poisoned Hearts, Diseased Minds, and American Pimps: The
Language of Censorship in the Schund und Schmutz Debates’, German Quarterly,
68:4 (1995), pp. 408–29, p. 408.
∙ 152 ∙
Erich Wulffen and the case of the criminal
88 ‘Von all diesen Dingen nähren sich zu viele, Alte und Junge.’ Wulffen, Irrwege des
Eros, p. 18.
89 Wulffen, Irrwege des Eros, pp. 6–9.
90 On the generationgap see Detlev Peukert, Weimar Germany (New York: Hill &
Wang, 1992), pp
added fuel to
extremist, anti-foreigner parties? The alternative could be to try to
encourage higher birth rates through taxation policies and the like. In
many countries two bread-winners are necessary for a typical family to
make ends meet. Even so, many women feel they want to make a career
or at least to do ‘something useful’ and so delay the first child until they
are in their thirties. This leads to longer ‘inter-generationgaps’ and
hence to reduced birth rates, as also do fewer children per couple.
Today, more people, and more world regions, are