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Open Access (free)
Civilian morale in Britain during the Second World War
Author: Robert Mackay

How well did civilian morale stand up to the pressures of total war and what factors were important to it? This book rejects contentions that civilian morale fell a long way short of the favourable picture presented at the time and in hundreds of books and films ever since. While acknowledging that some negative attitudes and behaviour existed—panic and defeatism, ration-cheating and black-marketeering—it argues that these involved a very small minority of the population. In fact, most people behaved well, and this should be the real measure of civilian morale, rather than the failing of the few who behaved badly. The book shows that although before the war, the official prognosis was pessimistic, measures to bolster morale were taken nevertheless, in particular with regard to protection against air raids. An examination of indicative factors concludes that moral fluctuated but was in the main good, right to the end of the war. In examining this phenomenon, due credit is accorded to government policies for the maintenance of morale, but special emphasis is given to the ‘invisible chain’ of patriotic feeling that held the nation together during its time of trial.

Olga Vassilieva

settlement since 1990. It analyses the impact of different cooperative organisations on conflict management, both directly and via the changes in governmental policies towards ethnic conflict and the identities which fostered it. Of special interest are the current policies of the ‘external’ powers (Russia, Turkey, Iran and western countries) and the possible changes in their policies towards the region, which might promote the construction of a regional security community and, as a consequence, conflict management in the Caucasus. A high conflict potential in the Caucasian

in Potentials of disorder
Lessons from case studies from the South and North
Rajesh Tandon and Edward T. Jackson

cases show that community–university research partnerships can advance government policies to promote better livelihoods, environmental sustainability and indigenous culture. Most Southern partnerships display strong functional linkages with local and state or provincial government agencies and officials, in particular. The two Bolivian cases and the Philippines project are the most well developed in this regard. However, both Indian initiatives ­ emonstrate strong working links to governments, as well. Partnerships also d involving universities, civil society groups

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Martin D. Moore

). Given the contrast between professional and government political projects, this chapter explores how management of professional labour became government policy during the 1980s and 1990s. Despite disparities in aims, specialists and elite professional bodies found common ground with government and state agencies over the production of guidelines and audit structures. All parties saw benefits in co-operation and actively sought collaboration. Reliant upon medical professionals to construct new tools, government often acted through financial support for local programmes

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Open Access (free)
Piercing the politics of silencing
Hilary Pilkington

the challenges posed by the embodied p ­ olitics of the populist radical right. 220 Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL Conclusion In this chapter the relationship between EDL activism and the external political environment has been considered. It has illustrated how EDL activists experience the external political realm as a politics of silencing in which the expression of their views, as well as government policy, are constrained by the application of the ‘racism label’ and learn the best strategy for negotiating this realm is to ‘keep your mouth

in Loud and proud
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Migration research and the media
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson and Roiyah Saltus

, 2002 ) or ‘swarm’ (Holehouse, 2015 ). Government policy as a driver of migration in and from conflict zones, including the UK's role in wars in Iraq or Afghanistan, also tends to be ignored in mainstream media coverage (Lewis et al., 2005 cited in Philo et al., 2013 ). In Bad News for Refugees , Greg Philo and colleagues examined how inflammatory media coverage of asylum seekers and refugees legitimates punitive

in Go home?
The Indian experience
Shirin M. Rai

government by feminist and women’s movements for such an organization, which would press for women’s interests to be represented in government policy. It is not a ministry of government. It is also not a think-tank in the conventional sense: ‘Think-tanks THE INDIAN EXPERIENCE 229 are an organizational expression of the blending of ideas, politics and policy outside formal political arenas’ (Stone, 1996:2). Yet its members are appointed by the Prime Minister and it was set up to fulfil one of the purposes of thinktanks: to move ideas into politics. Setting up the

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Catherine Rhodes

constraints and demands on policymaking, and limitations on policymakers’ freedom need to be acknowledged, in order to establish realistic expectations of science–policy relationships. This point is picked up on in the World Health Organization’s guidance Responsible Life Sciences Research: ‘One the one hand, government policy should aim to promote the advancement of science. Scientific progress usually has important societal (including economic) benefits; and promoting the good of society is a primary responsibility of government . . . At the same time, safety, security

in The freedom of scientific research