How well did civilian morale stand up to the pressures of total war and what factors were important to it? This book rejects contentions that civilian morale fell a long way short of the favourable picture presented at the time and in hundreds of books and films ever since. While acknowledging that some negative attitudes and behaviour existed—panic and defeatism, ration-cheating and black-marketeering—it argues that these involved a very small minority of the population. In fact, most people behaved well, and this should be the real measure of civilian morale, rather than the failing of the few who behaved badly. The book shows that although before the war, the official prognosis was pessimistic, measures to bolster morale were taken nevertheless, in particular with regard to protection against air raids. An examination of indicative factors concludes that moral fluctuated but was in the main good, right to the end of the war. In examining this phenomenon, due credit is accorded to government policies for the maintenance of morale, but special emphasis is given to the ‘invisible chain’ of patriotic feeling that held the nation together during its time of trial.
Why Building Back Better Means More than Structural Safety
have little control over their own priorities as there is no recognition of the concept of ‘safer’ as an appropriate way of improving safety at a cost commensurate to the family’s means. According to one survey the rate of indebtedness rose from 1 per cent in January 2017 to 66 per cent in December 2017 ( Inter-Agency Common Feedback Project, 2017 ).
Further field studies in Nepal in 2018 showed some other slightly perverse unintended consequences of the governmentpolicy. In order to meet the deadline for the second cash instalment many
settlement since 1990. It analyses the impact of diﬀerent cooperative organisations
on conﬂict management, both directly and via the changes in governmentalpolicies towards ethnic conﬂict and the identities which fostered it. Of special interest are the current policies of the ‘external’ powers (Russia, Turkey, Iran and
western countries) and the possible changes in their policies towards the region,
which might promote the construction of a regional security community and, as
a consequence, conﬂict management in the Caucasus.
A high conﬂict potential in the Caucasian
Lessons from case studies from the South and North
Rajesh Tandon and Edward T. Jackson
cases show that community–university research partnerships
can advance governmentpolicies to promote better livelihoods, environmental
sustainability and indigenous culture. Most Southern partnerships display strong
functional linkages with local and state or provincial government agencies
and officials, in particular. The two Bolivian cases and the Philippines project
are the most well developed in this regard. However, both Indian initiatives
emonstrate strong working links to governments, as well. Partnerships
involving universities, civil society groups
Given the contrast between professional and government political projects, this chapter explores how management of professional labour became governmentpolicy during the 1980s and 1990s. Despite disparities in aims, specialists and elite professional bodies found common ground with government and state agencies over the production of guidelines and audit structures. All parties saw benefits in co-operation and actively sought collaboration. Reliant upon medical professionals to construct new tools, government often acted through financial support for local programmes
the challenges posed by the embodied p
olitics of the
populist radical right.
Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL
In this chapter the relationship between EDL activism and the external political
environment has been considered. It has illustrated how EDL activists experience
the external political realm as a politics of silencing in which the expression of
their views, as well as governmentpolicy, are constrained by the application of
the ‘racism label’ and learn the best strategy for negotiating this realm is to ‘keep
This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen
science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth
age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within
environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists
have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging
in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics
has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of
science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living
with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary
contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American
hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental
controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,”
citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding
toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory
environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing,
witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for
seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of
engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of
critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will
also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the
book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues,
as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen
science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors
in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from
emerging scholars and community activists.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson and Roiyah Saltus
, 2002 ) or ‘swarm’
(Holehouse, 2015 ).
Governmentpolicy as a driver of migration in and from conflict zones,
including the UK's role in wars in Iraq or Afghanistan, also tends to be
ignored in mainstream media coverage (Lewis et al., 2005 cited in Philo et al.,
2013 ). In Bad News for
Refugees , Greg Philo and colleagues examined how inflammatory media
coverage of asylum seekers and refugees legitimates punitive