Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia
departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights
in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork
among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations
and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict
reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local
modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely
unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local
discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the
violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control.
The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the
intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into
their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed
light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.
In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict
(1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the
States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised
sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the
main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and
re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues
underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of
human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return
of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for
Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their
status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the
internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which
permeate the social fabric?
six months by the Guevarista Revolutionary Army guerrilla movement was
unconditionally released on 30 January 2001 through the mediation of a third
country involved in negotiations between armed Colombian groups and the
government. MSF, which had confirmed the abduction of its employee in the
media, played an active role encouraging the mediators to intervene and
convincing the guerrillas and its allies of the benefit of an unconditional
. Still, above all else, Turkey opposes any form of ethnic expression reflecting Kurdish nationalism or inclinations towards autonomy, within Turkey or beyond its borders. Any expression of Kurdish separatism outside Turkey was bound to stir up the millions of Kurds living within its borders – 12 million or more, out of a population of close to 65 million.
As a result of guerrilla and terror campaigns launched since 1984 by the Kurdish Workers Party (the PKK) against the Turkish authorities and Turkish civilians, the government of then Prime
The violent pursuit of cultural sovereignty during authoritarian rule in Argentina
Antonius C.G.M. Robben
or ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) and a host of other
guerrilla organisations had equally contributed to Perón’s political
rebirth through armed operations against the reigning military dictatorship of Lieutenant-General Lanusse. Free elections were held in
March 1973, and Perón became president of Argentina in July 1973.
Soon, a violent factionalism developed between left-wing and rightwing Peronists about the administrative control of national, provincial and local governments, while the ERP continued to attack the
armed forces and dreamt of a Cuban
maﬁa’. In this study the latter is described as ‘particularly aggressive and determined’, the experts underline that it ‘has succeeded
in planting its networks and logistics in the great metropolises of northern Italy
and on the Adriatic coast’ (DIA 2000).
Kosovo, guerillas, maﬁa: causality or symbiosis?
Since the public appearance of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) during 1996
the accusations and rumours have not ceased. The UCK is a narco-guerrilla force
ﬁnanced by heroin from the Balkans route. In an interview given to the weekly
Der Spiegel, Norbert Spinrath
The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide
Anne Yvonne Guillou
made entirely from human skulls which was for many
years mounted on a wall of the museum of the genocide at Tuol
Following the 1991 peace accords, which were signed by all
parties, including the Khmer Rouge guerrillas, still known as the
Party of Democratic Kampuchea, and the placing of Cambodia
under United Nations supervision, any reference to the genocide
was not allowed in official documents. The state memorials fell into
The Khmer Rouge genocide 153
disrepair. More than fifteen years later, in 2007, at the end
The South African War
(1899–1902) posed an unprecedented challenge for the Victorian
army and eventually involved the services of 448,435 British and
colonial troops in a series of major battlefield engagements, sieges,
relief operations and protracted counter-guerrilla campaigns. The volume
of correspondence from British soldiers was prodigious, and some of
Colonial Caring covers over a century of colonial nursing by nurses from a wide range of countries including: Denmark, Britain, USA, Holland and Italy; with the colonised countries including South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Ethiopia, Nigeria, India, Indonesia (Dutch East Indies) and the Danish West Indies. It presents unique perspectives from which to interrogate colonialism and post-colonialism including aspects of race, cultural difference and implications of warfare and politics upon nursing. Viewing nursing’s development under colonial and post-colonial rule reveals different faces of a profession that superficially may appear to be consistent and coherent, yet in reality is constantly reinventing itself. Considering such areas as transnational relationships, class, gender, race and politics, this book aims to present current work in progress within the field, to better understand the complex entanglements in nursing’s development as it was imagined and practised in local imperial, colonial and post-colonial contexts. Taking a chronologically-based structure, early chapters examine nursing in situations of conflict in the post-Crimean period from the Indian Rebellion to the Anglo-Boer War. Recruitment, professionalisation of nursing and of military nursing in particular, are therefore considered before moving deeper into the twentieth century reflecting upon later periods of colonialism in which religion and humanitarianism become more central. Drawing from a wide range of sources from official documents to diaries, memoirs and oral sources, and using a variety of methodologies including qualitative and quantitative approaches, the book represents ground-breaking work.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.