In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.
The Labour Party is habitually considered the most ideologically inclined of all
British political parties, and ideological struggle has been endemic within the party
since its foundation. It is no surprise, therefore, that studies of the party have
endeavoured to understand why Labour’s ideology has shifted repeatedly throughout its history. This chapter considers those efforts.
A large and varied literature is available to explain Labour’s ideologicalmovements
Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent
ideologicalmovements. Though the terms are often used interchangeably,
it is more useful to regard ecologism as a philosophy that believes in a
thorough-going root and branch transformation of society, whereas
environmentalism believes that dangers to the environment can be tackled
within the existing political
A faction in the English Civil Wars of the mid-seventeenth century who
set up communes on both common land and the land of wealthy men. They
advocated the eventual abolition of private property.
Equality became an important feature
of politics with the growth of liberalism and socialism as ideologicalmovements during the nineteenth century. One forgets today how radical the
from democratic socialism and social democracy as to be worth studying as
The collapse of the USSR and its
empire in Eastern Europe during 1989–91 is often hailed by Western
conservatives as vindicating their belief that Marxism is a failed
ideological system, unrealistic and of no value as a political movement or
an ideological tool. However, for many Western Marxists the demise of the
Continuities and contradictions underpinning Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian influence on New Labour
of control over its highly committed
‘lower’ order are typical of religious and ideologicalmovements, hospitals, social unions, voluntary associations,
colleges and universities.
This 1961 application of the triad reveals the true
character of such analysis. Consistent with organisational theory,
it is a triad that is specifically designed to measure and define
of the time influence what they do with that
power when they have achieved it. Indeed, it is impossible to separate the
two. This applies even to those who deny having an ideology. The use of
power always takes place in a framework of ideology. Modern politics can
only be properly understood by reference to the great ideologicalmovements:
conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism, and so on.
Ideologies tend to have a bad
of imperialism or were in one way or another discredited by nationalist failures: in Egypt it was the failure of the Wafd to get the British out, in Syria, the loss of the Palestine war which discredited the first-generation ruling elite. In essence, imperialism both created and then helped de-legitimise the new state establishments almost from their birth (Ayubi 1995: 99–133; Owen 1992: 8–23).
The first reaction against this deformation of the region was the rise of rival ideologicalmovements each offering different solutions to its
the unification of the Muslim world, yet much like Arabism before it, the ideology was
increasingly used for political ends, leading to political rivalry between states, with
domestic and regional repercussions.100 Ultimately, both ideologicalmovements were
brought down by the enduring power of the nation-state,101 yet the nature of global
political life means that the state once more appears to be contested and the legacy of
these movements remains.
Such movements also challenged the spatial aspects of the sovereign state that had
come to dominate the
restricted to territorial borders. In Dialogues in Arab
Politics, Michael Barnett’s constructivist interpretation of the impact of pan-Arabism
on regional politics, shared ideologicalmovements provide opportunities to increase
reserves of legitimacy. Times of crisis then serve as opportunities to reshape the
regional order, where regimes lay claim to ideological membership as a mechanism
of improving their legitimacy and position in the regional order. As Barnett argues,
Arab states have had strikingly different views of the desired [regional order]