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Indigenous people in British settler colonies, 1830s–1910

This book focuses on the ways in which the British settler colonies of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa treated indigenous peoples in relation to political rights, commencing with the imperial policies of the 1830s and ending with the national political settlements in place by 1910. Drawing on a wide range of sources, its comparative approach provides an insight into the historical foundations of present-day controversies in these settler societies.

Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain

business expanded, to the extent that their workload became a burden, the officers were likely to tend towards support for the colonies’ self-government in local affairs rather than engage in a struggle for control, and usually accepted the advice of the governors in place. Very near the start of our period, in the later 1830s, British imperial policies towards the rights of the Indigenous peoples of the

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
Open Access (free)
Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice
Charles V. Reed

Chapter five examines a different kind of ‘royal tour’, the pilgrimage of colonial subjects ‘home’ to Great Britain in order to petition the queen/king for justice. Culturally imbued with the notion of the Great (White) King/Queen, colonial subjects brought their cases against British or settler governments in the colonies to the metropole in hopes of inspiring imperial intervention against colonial injustices and abuses. Through an examination of two visits by British subjects – the 1884 visit of the Maori King to London and the 1909 delegation in opposition to the Union of South Africa – and their failures to inspire change in imperial policy (in the case of the Union of South Africa) or even an audience (in the case of the Maori King), the chapter demonstrates how ‘imperial networks’ short-circuited when the empire came home.

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
Sabine Clarke

empire It is not uncommon for scholars to claim the birth of development occurred in the post-war period, often marked by President Truman’s Inaugural Address of 1949. 7 This assertion can come as a surprise to historians who have looked at the increasing focus on development in the European empires from the late nineteenth century. Historians of British imperialism have described how science was firmly implicated in the rise of colonial development as a goal of imperial policy, beginning around 1895, when Joseph Chamberlain was appointed Secretary of State for the

in Science at the end of empire
Open Access (free)
Peter Calvert

people in general really thought, was organized on a sufficiently large scale not only to be valid social science, but also to offer a reliable source for future historians.6 Reasonably accurate public opinion polling only came into general use after 1945. Long before that, Social Darwinism, which assumed that a democratic Britain had the right to rule over many millions who did not have any say in Imperial policy, was explicitly challenged by the early socialist H. G. Wells, as for instance in his novel The War in the Air (1908). Wells was not a trained historian, but

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Charles V. Reed

imperial policy (in the case of the Union of South Africa) or even an audience (in the case of the Maori king), the chapter demonstrates how ‘imperial networks’ short-circuited when the empire came home. Moreover, the chapter explores the ways imperial culture failed – contrary to the traditional narrative – as a result of the lack of interest and ambivalence of metropolitan politics and culture. Note on

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Heloise Brown

system and a convenient counter in the great and noble game of party.32 Fawcett was accused of failing to understand the vast difference between ‘municipal management’ and ‘supreme power over Imperial policy’.33 The imperial nation was represented as consisting of two separate spheres, the public (imperial or international) and the private (internal or ‘domestic’). Correspondingly, women were argued to be capable of dealing with ‘domestic’ affairs, but not with matters of imperial or international importance. While she clearly was capable of understanding the

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
Raiding war and globalization in the early modern world
Brian Sandberg

pamphlet collections at the Bibliothèque nationale de France [hereafter BNF], the Bibliothèque historique de la ville de Paris [BHVP], and various municipal libraries in France offer additional evidence. 13 Sandberg, War and Conflict, pp. 171–92. 14 D. Parrott, The Business of War: Military Enterprise and Military Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 139–95. 15 P. S. Fichtner, Terror and Toleration: The Habsburg Empire Confronts Islam, 1526–1850 (London, 2008); G. Agoston, ‘Information, Ideology and Limits of Imperial Policy: Ottoman Grand

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
Sabine Clarke

. The riots that occurred in the British West Indian colonies during the 1930s have been endowed with much significance by both historians of British imperialism and historians of the Caribbean. Accounts of imperial policy tell how these events were crucial in allowing the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Malcolm MacDonald, to get his way in passing the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940. 3 This Act is considered a turning point in colonial policy as it marked a shift to a more assertive, interventionist form of imperialism that aimed to transform

in Science at the end of empire