Open Access (free)

In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.

Paul Cammack

; the challenge posed by the new individualism; the weakening of the distinction between Left and Right; the question of the scope for political agency the parties and the State; and the need to respond to ecological issues. Against this background, Giddens sets out a new agenda for the Centre-Left, based on the twin principles: ‘No rights without responsibilities’; and ‘No

in The Third Way and beyond
Sarah Hale

and John Macmurray. The first four are a well-known quartet who, although very diverse, were brought together under the communitarian label in the 1980s as all of them were seen to offer a critical response to an inherent individualism in liberal political philosophy since Rawls. They have all, with varying degrees of vehemence, objected to being called communitarian. When these four

in The Third Way and beyond
Consumerism and alienation in 1950s comedies
Dave Rolinson

rather than words’. 2 In particular, The Horse’s Mouth is a fascinating starting point for a discussion of 1950s comedy, because of its treatment of the genre’s defining themes: consensus and its breakdown through the alienating individualism of consumerism. It shares key characteristics with such ‘canonical’ Ealing comedies as The Lavender Hill Mob (Charles Crichton, 1951) and The Man in

in British cinema of the 1950s
Laura Chrisman

-European bourgeois feminism. This animates her discussion of how Jane Eyre’s conceptions of European female individualism are predicated on and perpetuate the subordination of non-European women. Said works towards a humanistic politics and a contrapuntal intellectual culture that, for him, will provide progress beyond the contemporary deadlock of imperialism and nationalism. While all three thinkers perceive imperialism as a matrix of domestic culture and consciousness, their definitions of imperialism itself differ. Said’s derive from the notion of geo-political domination. His

in Postcolonial contraventions
Continuities and contradictions underpinning Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian influence on New Labour
Simon Prideaux

entitlement and a growing tendency to shirk social responsibilities’. 17 Increasingly Etzioni claims to have witnessed the rise in a counter-culture of individualism and instrumentalist reasoning that ‘provided a normative seal of approval to a focus on the self rather than on responsibilities to the community’. 18 For him, it was a self-interest that was soon to become an

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
Alan Cromartie

ultimate source of legitimacy-theories was probably the bias towards individualism that was introduced by Christianity. Because the objective of Christians was salvation (in practice almost invariably conceived of as the avoidance of the pains of hell), political activities were inessential to their self-conception, and it was possible to hold that earthly governments were something contingently willed by Providence. Some

in Political concepts
Defending Cold War Canada
Katie Pickles

defence, immigrant training and citizenship courts. Such work continued the IODE’s mission for a British-influenced Canada. The IODE’s reaction to the Cold War reflected a forced reconsideration of Canadian identity. While the IODE promoted democratic principles of progressive conservatism, its methods and its attitude to Communists were influenced by an individualism and a politics more often associated

in Female imperialism and national identity
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).