industrialisation programmes that were created by the governments of the British Caribbean after 1940 is written out.
The story that has emerged, in all its permutations, does not stand up well to close investigation. This chapter will reconsider the dominant narrative by paying close attention to the chronology of events that led to colonies such as Trinidad creating their first pioneer industries legislation, and by evaluating the relative importance of a number of individuals and proposals to the eventual character of the Trinidad ordinances. The claim
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
tribes that … follow their brute instincts without a second thought, while civilized nations … seek to humanize it’ ( Moynier, 1888 ). This goes to show that humanitarian principles, far from being a timeless good, are not immune to prevailing stereotypes or political power relationships. As a treaty aimed at an emblematic nineteenth-century battle was being signed, the conflicts and massacres of civil wars and imperial conquests were foreshadowing the twentieth century’s mechanised and industrialised total wars. Dunant himself anticipated the evolution of armed
This book produces a major rethinking of the history of development after 1940 through an exploration of Britain’s ambitions for industrialisation in its Caribbean colonies. Industrial development is a neglected topic in histories of the British Colonial Empire, and we know very little of plans for Britain’s Caribbean colonies in general in the late colonial period, despite the role played by riots in the region in prompting an increase in development spending. This account shows the importance of knowledge and expertise in the promotion of a model of Caribbean development that is best described as liberal rather than state-centred and authoritarian. It explores how the post-war period saw an attempt by the Colonial Office to revive Caribbean economies by transforming cane sugar from a low-value foodstuff into a lucrative starting compound for making fuels, plastics and medical products. In addition, it shows that as Caribbean territories moved towards independence and America sought to shape the future of the region, scientific and economic advice became a key strategy for the maintenance of British control of the West Indian colonies. Britain needed to counter attempts by American-backed experts to promote a very different approach to industrial development after 1945 informed by the priorities of US foreign policy.
approach to development with some long-standing laissez-faire principles. Two wider political issues made Colonial Office attempts to persuade the Caribbean colonies to follow its preferred routes to industrialisation difficult, however. The increasing political autonomy of governments in the Caribbean region meant that Britain could not merely instruct its West Indian possessions to follow its edicts. In addition, it became clear that in the post-war world, the US hoped to shape development across the Caribbean along lines that it found conducive to its own interests
’. ‘A great many are occasionally disabled who are never heard of,’ he noted, and were subsequently forced
into dependency on poor relief ‘in consequence of injuries that no one ever
This book examines the lives and experiences of these people, men like
James Jackson, who, until recently, were ‘never heard of’ in histories of
industrialisation – the scarred, the mutilated, the ‘distorted’ and the impaired.
The process of industrial growth in Britain after 1700, which gathered pace
from the late eighteenth century, orchestrated changes in professional
to colliery owners than profit.
Yet, beyond the political and rhetorical use to which he put them, Burt’s
observations also raise important questions about the supposed consequences
of industrialisation for ‘disabled’ people. As Burt’s recollections make clear,
workers with impairments were not automatically forced from the mines
DISABILITY IN THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
during the Industrial Revolution but continued to work there in considerable
numbers despite their injuries. If industrialisation was such a calamity for
disabled people’s working lives, as
This book sheds new light on the human cost of industrialisation by examining the lives and experiences of those disabled in an industry that was vital to Britain's economic growth. If disability has been largely absent from conventional histories of industrialisation, the Industrial Revolution has assumed great significance in disability studies. The book examines the economic and welfare responses to disease, injury and impairment among coal workers. It discusses experiences of disability within the context of social relations and the industrial politics of coalfield communities. The book provides the context for those that follow by providing an overview of the conditions of work in British coalmining between 1780 and 1880. It turns its attention to the principal causes of disablement in the nineteenth-century coal industry and the medical responses to them. The book then extends the discussion of responses to disability by examining the welfare provisions for miners with long-term restrictive health conditions. It also examines how miners and their families negotiated a 'mixed economy' of welfare, comprising family and community support, the Poor Law, and voluntary self-help as well as employer paternalism. The book shifts attention away from medicine and welfare towards the ways in which disability affected social relations within coalfield communities. Finally, it explores the place of disability in industrial politics and how fluctuating industrial relations affected the experiences of disabled people in the coalfields.
necessary to alleviate the political and social consequences of low
incomes, emigration, high unemployment and low productivity. The
highly conscious change marked a reversal of protectionist economic policies. EU membership was about providing Ireland with the opportunities
to ‘catch-up’ economically with mainstream Europe, to make Ireland
more like urbanised, industrialised Europe and thus less like the kind of
Ireland the original state-builders wanted to construct. EU membership
was also likely to help in relation to the traditional concerns of Irish
Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of
thought in Western culture over the last two centuries. Originating as
something of a ‘reaction’ to the radical, liberal and,
later, socialist movements during the early period of industrialisation
in Britain and Europe, conservatism remains a powerful ideological force
in Western societies today. We explore
Science and industrial development: lessons from Britain’s imperial past
For many places seeking to raise living standards after 1945, economic development came to mean industrialisation. By the 1950s, economists such as Raul Prebisch, Hans Singer and Paul Baran were advancing models of industrial development that promoted the necessity of restricting imports to allow new domestic industries to flourish. The 1950s also saw the rise of modernisation theory in which industrial revolution was central to the process of emerging as a modern state. This book has been concerned with development visions that were