Introduction and overview
Damian Grimshaw, Colette Fagan, Gail Hebson, and Isabel Tavora

A new labour market segmentation approach 1 A new labour market segmentation approach for analysing inequalities: introduction and overview Damian Grimshaw, Colette Fagan, Gail Hebson and Isabel Tavora There is a real need for a new multi-dimensional approach to understanding inequalities in work and employment. Faced with the pressures of globalisation, liberalisation of markets and periodic economic crises, many societies around the world have forged fragile compromises that are fundamentally incompatible with the goals of making the distribution of

in Making work more equal
The effects of gender, households and ethnicity
Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith, and Paola Villa

Social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 13 The social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities: the effects of gender, households and ethnicity Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith and Paola Villa Introduction Young people have been disproportionately hit by the economic crisis. In many  European countries, unemployment rates have increased faster for youth  than for prime age groups (O’Reilly et al., 2015). Vulnerability to the risks of poverty and precarious employment has been compounded by ­increasing  economic inequalities and the rise

in Making work more equal
The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

, patriarchy and inequality. But humanitarian actors should be held to high standards, because they derive their power from their claims to uphold higher values. The Charity Commission report into SCUK starts by saying that ‘[w]e trust in the selfless motive behind charity, a motive that encourages us to think about the needs and interests of others and not just ourselves’ ( Charity Commission, 2020 ). But this assertion – these good intentions – cannot be allowed to stand in for critical

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
James Baldwin, William F. Buckley, Jr., and the 1965 Cambridge Debate
Daniel Robert McClure

The 1965 debate at Cambridge University between James Baldwin and William F. Buckley, Jr., posed the question: “Has the American Dream been achieved at the Expense of the American Negro?” Within the contours of the debate, Baldwin and Buckley wrestled with the ghosts of settler colonialism and slavery in a nation founded on freedom and equality. Framing the debate within the longue durée, this essay examines the deep cultural currents related to the American racial paradox at the height of the Civil Rights movement. Underscoring the changing language of white resistance against black civil rights, the essay argues that the Baldwin and Buckley debate anticipated the ways the U.S. would address racial inequality in the aftermath of the civil rights era and the dawn of neoliberalism in the 1970s.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Gender Equality and Culture in Humanitarian Action
Ricardo Fal-Dutra Santos

), ‘patriarchy’ refers to a system of power relations based on gender norms, and which perpetuates the privileging of hegemonic masculinities, heteronormativity, cisgender-normativity and normative endosex bodies. Patriarchy is the foundation of gender inequalities, understood as the inequalities rooted in people’s sexual orientation, gender identity and expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) and sex – and/or ‘the degree to which they conform with gender norms and the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editors’ Introduction
Tanja R. Müller and Gemma Sou

-thinking humanitarian action more broadly ( Heerten, 2017 ). In addition, seemingly altruistic technological interventions in humanitarian contexts often go alongside the expansion of state or military power and new mechanisms of surveillance and control ( Jacobsen, 2015 ). More generally, as long as major technological innovations are largely driven or developed by the Global North, they are bound to perpetuate existing global inequalities, as evident, for example, in the field of digital

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
Myfanwy James

’, transformed by actors and their interactions ( Long and Long, 1992 : 35). Too often, ‘Aidland’ is seen as an exclusionary ‘bubble of northern-based’ expatriates ( Harrison, 2013 ), overlooking the significance of locally based aid workers who are intricately interwoven with local politics. Local staff must balance their embeddedness ‘in the field’ with their professional position ( Redfield, 2012 ; Crombé and Kruper, 2019 ), while institutional structures often reproduce inequalities between ‘national’ and ‘international’ staff, thereby reflecting broader structures of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

own societies, especially as reformists of the centre left and right (Clinton, Blair) came to dominate the party-political scene after Thatcher and Reagan embedded the neoliberal revolution of the 1980s. After the Cold War, in other words, the liberal world order was a fact of life. In Margaret Thatcher’s immortal words, ‘there is no alternative’. The consequences of this focus on private enterprise, mobile money, weakened unions, reduced state welfare and regulation and lower taxes are all too visible today in areas like wealth inequality and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

adversely affect the aid experience. Consequently, these biases also need to be considered in project design. Typical of many policy pronouncements following the 2008 global financial crisis, however, the World Bank finds it necessary to reject the need for significant political change or social redistribution ( World Bank, 2015 : 80). This is at a time when global inequality is at record levels and new forms of post-social servitude and abjection are appearing ( Lebaron and Ayers, 2013 ). As a practical illustration of the ontopolitics of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

humanitarian agencies, the political currency of liberal humanitarianism and its institutions has steadily waned. In recent years, liberal order has been flagrantly challenged by a visceral and affective politics, produced by globalisation itself. Global income inequality increased significantly with the acceleration of globalisation following the end of the Cold War: from a Gini coefficient of 0.57 to one of 0.72, between 1988 and 2005 ( Anand and Segal, 2014: 968 ). Then, following the 2008 financial crash, capital doubled down. While those most

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs