Inequality of opportunity is unfair and inefficient. Although there is much debate on whether and to which extent public policy should aim to level outcomes (for example, being poor), there is consensus that all individuals – irrespective of the socioeconomic circumstances into which they are born – should be allowed the same chances to be successful in life. Equality of opportunity is not only the right thing to do for societies that want to call themselves fair, but also a smart economic
A new labour market segmentation approach 1 A new labour market segmentation approach for analysing inequalities: introduction and overview Damian Grimshaw, Colette Fagan, Gail Hebson and Isabel Tavora There is a real need for a new multi-dimensional approach to understanding inequalities in work and employment. Faced with the pressures of globalisation, liberalisation of markets and periodic economic crises, many societies around the world have forged fragile compromises that are fundamentally incompatible with the goals of making the distribution of
Social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 13 The social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities: the effects of gender, households and ethnicity Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith and Paola Villa Introduction Young people have been disproportionately hit by the economic crisis. In many European countries, unemployment rates have increased faster for youth than for prime age groups (O’Reilly et al., 2015). Vulnerability to the risks of poverty and precarious employment has been compounded by increasing economic inequalities and the rise
This article analyses the management of bodies in Brazil within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Its objective is to examine how the confluence of underreporting, inequality and alterations in the forms of classifying and managing bodies has produced a political practice that aims at the mass infection of the living and the quick disposal of the dead. We first present the factors involved in the process of underreporting of the disease and its effects on state registration and regulation of bodies. Our analysis then turns to the cemetery to problematise the dynamics through which inequality and racism are re-actualised and become central aspects of the management of the pandemic in Brazil. We will focus not only on the policies of managing bodies adopted during the pandemic but also on those associated with other historical periods, examining continuities and ruptures, as well as their relationship to long-term processes.
, patriarchy and inequality. But humanitarian actors should be held to high standards, because they derive their power from their claims to uphold higher values. The Charity Commission report into SCUK starts by saying that ‘[w]e trust in the selfless motive behind charity, a motive that encourages us to think about the needs and interests of others and not just ourselves’ ( Charity Commission, 2020 ). But this assertion – these good intentions – cannot be allowed to stand in for critical
Introduction The international community contributed nearly US$31 billion to humanitarian assistance in 2020, a figure that has steadily risen over the last half decade ( DI, 2021 ). Within bilateral and multilateral funding circles, there has been a strong and growing emphasis on the importance of understanding and responding to gender inequalities in emergency settings. For instance, recognising that conflicts and disasters affect people across various genders, ages and backgrounds differently, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of
voluntariness amid profound inequalities ( Fairhead et al. , 2006 ; Molyneux and Bull, 2013 ). Much of this literature situates itself outside bioethical framings to focus on medical research’s ‘imperial origins as well as asymmetrical topography of power and resources’ ( Geissler, 2011 : 1). It calls for reflections which move beyond bioethics to focus on the politics of poverty and inequality ( Molyneux and Geissler, 2008 ). In this article, we argue that debates around the
multiple complex and nuanced factors that can lead to digital inequalities for refugees, ranging from inadequate infrastructures, access and cost problems, a lack of skills or literacy to socio-cultural and linguistic barriers ( Leung, 2018 ). These factors are often undermined by governance actors who still adopt an overly simplistic view of refugees’ digital inclusion, ignoring the complexity of issues that mediate access to and use of technology among these population
rewire gendered, but also generational power inequalities ( Turner, 2004 ). While our older interviewees have a say in marital decision-making, they also have to deal with the fallout when the younger generation’s marriages fail, and provide financial support and childcare to divorced daughters and their grandchildren. Second, a livelihoods approach allows us to connect what happens in the intimate spaces of our interlocutors’ living rooms to the workings of humanitarian
The 1965 debate at Cambridge University between James Baldwin and William F. Buckley, Jr., posed the question: “Has the American Dream been achieved at the Expense of the American Negro?” Within the contours of the debate, Baldwin and Buckley wrestled with the ghosts of settler colonialism and slavery in a nation founded on freedom and equality. Framing the debate within the longue durée, this essay examines the deep cultural currents related to the American racial paradox at the height of the Civil Rights movement. Underscoring the changing language of white resistance against black civil rights, the essay argues that the Baldwin and Buckley debate anticipated the ways the U.S. would address racial inequality in the aftermath of the civil rights era and the dawn of neoliberalism in the 1970s.