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Author: Cameron Ross

Building on earlier work, this text combines theoretical perspectives with empirical work, to provide a comparative analysis of the electoral systems, party systems and governmental systems in the ethnic republics and regions of Russia. It also assesses the impact of these different institutional arrangements on democratization and federalism, moving the focus of research from the national level to the vitally important processes of institution building and democratization at the local level and to the study of federalism in Russia.

Open Access (free)

This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.

Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

moving the focus of research from the national level to the vitally important processes of institution building and democratisation at the local level and to the study of federalism in Russia. I believe that the insights garnered in the study of the democratisation process of separate countries can be applied equally fruitfully to individual regions within countries, especially in such a large and diverse country as Russia. Many authors have alluded to the unique nature of Russia’s dual transition and its difficult task of simultaneously reforming its economy and

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

achieved body of principles and norms and rules already codified in texts and traditions’ (Walker, 1993: 50). This approach is liberal in principle but realist in method; explicit or implicit confrontation is its primary defining tool. The liberal construction of rights, and of international relations, has produced not only an articulation of principles but an emphasis on rights regimes and a framework of UN mechanisms and international institution building to support these principles. Through standard-setting and monitoring activities, formal and

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

and Leutloff’s Chapter 1 in this volume. Their chapter examines the role of discourses of violence and threat and the exploitation of ‘violent events’ for conflict escalation. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear proved to be the key resource. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. Within a year, an ‘unprofessional’ riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred

in Potentials of disorder
Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo

gender awareness raising, advocacy and institution building. Thus the functions of the Commission now include coordinating ‘the preparation of Philippine development plans for women as well as their monitoring, assessment and updating’; serving as a ‘clearinghouse and data base for information relating to women’; conducting reviews of existing legislation, policy studies and gender awareness-raising programmes; monitoring and assessing the implementation of laws and policies on women, including international commitments such as the Beijing Platform for Action; and

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Zuzana Jezerska

, personal interview, 2000, League of Women in the Bosnia and Herzegovina Federation). This has been the experience of women in many countries where women’s participation in political or military movements has not been reflected in the processes of institution building and where independent statehood has seen the marginalization of women in the political system (Jayawardena, 1989; Anthias and Yuval-Davis, 1990). Fifth, the processes and the dominant political discourses of transition also affect the shaping of national machineries. In the Czech Republic, for example, the

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
The PRIA experience
Mandakini Pant

representatives (ERs). PRIA’s field experiences with marginalized leadership clearly indicate that ERs continue to be marginalized on the basis of social, caste and gender affiliations. Representation and leadership are core roles and responsibilities of elected members. In order to carry out these core roles and responsibilities, elected representatives need competencies such as communication, facilitation, power, decision making, policymaking, enabling, negotiating, financial management, overseeing and institution building. The need to provide training and development

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Open Access (free)
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

the functionalist method, it does not always evade parameters of this kind. But there is another crucial point to be made about the political aspects of the functionalist logic, namely that functionalism is about the application of carefully examined, but not necessarily politically structured, strategies for transcending (national) territorial boundaries in tackling issues of a technical nature. Institution-building, in this regard, becomes conditional upon the (functionally determined) needs of the integrative system itself, rather than the preferred lines of

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Executive versus legislative power
Cameron Ross

constitution building and subsequently were able to implement strong presidential systems much as Yeltsin did at the national level. In other regions FAD7 10/17/2002 6:01 PM Page 127 Executive versus legislative power 127 legislative bodies were able to take the upper hand and to push for strong parliamentary charters and the installation of parliamentary regimes. As Vladimir Nechaev shows in his careful study of institution building in four regions, elites in the Republic of Kareliya and Pskov Oblast were able to carve out strong and independent assemblies whilst

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia