Building on earlier work, this text combines theoretical perspectives with empirical work, to provide a comparative analysis of the electoral systems, party systems and governmental systems in the ethnic republics and regions of Russia. It also assesses the impact of these different institutional arrangements on democratization and federalism, moving the focus of research from the national level to the vitally important processes of institution building and democratization at the local level and to the study of federalism in Russia.
institutionalarrangements (national and international), what passes for illegitimate violence is seen as a direct assault on the right to life as juridically framed. If law protects, the transgression of such declarations brings the rights of the subject into question. All other concerns in the enactment of violence follow on from this initial break in the sovereign trust. There would be no political violation were the laws respected – at least, this is what the notion of a juridical life implies.
Law can always be put to the service of violence. The outcome of historical
football clubs have become plcs and in doing so have bypassed
the key FA regulation against the commercial exploitation of clubs by gaining FA agreement that the newly created plc holding companies would be
exempt from rule 34 which had, up until that time, prevented the owners of
clubs from extracting profits. This change in the corporate governance of
football clubs has heightened conflict between the various stakeholders –
match-going supporters, TV viewers, shareholders and managers.2
The institutionalarrangements around the creation and development of
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
to modification by any large change in the resources of production, transport or
the communication of intelligence.
New products may require the creation of new market institutions, and the
possibility of creating new market institutions may suggest product redesign.
I adopt Ménard’s definition of a market as ‘a specific institutionalarrangement consisting of rules or conventions that make possible a large number of
voluntary transfers of property rights on a regular basis’ (1995, p. 170); and
my focus is on the ways that these rules or conventions reduce the
management and conflict resolution can work. Where security interests are
constructed in mutually exclusive ways, neo-realist objections to neo-liberal
In the hot spots of Eurasia, security dilemmas continue to exist within and
between states because states and groups define their security in mutually
exclusive ways. In ethnic conflicts such as those in the Balkans, institutionalarrangements to manage conflict will remain fragile as long as and to the
degree that ethnic attitudes and goals remain mutually hostile. Furthermore,
even the fragile
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher
societies, which have to (re-)build state administrations, (re-)draw boundaries
and (re-)invent loyalties. They have to establish new institutionalarrangements
for self-regulation in order to ensure security, political participation and economic
development after empire. These institutions have to be inscribed into a political
space, whose boundaries are often ill-deﬁned and contested. And there has to be
an understanding of who is legitimately in charge of designing these institutions,
and to whom these new rules of the game are going to apply.
The implosion of the
differentiate the partnership process from the process of social change in which research
partnerships usually take place. Finally, a partnership research evaluation model,
grounded in participating practitioners’ point of view, is proposed.
This project has five main goals:
1 to provide examples of partnerships between community organizations and
2 to identify institutionalarrangements between universities and community
organizations that facilitate productive partnerships;
3 to make policy recommendations to national and international
in a stark and singular form, does not provide suitable guidance for
organizing human political affairs democratically, although, as Bauböck
himself says, AAI does draw our attention to morally relevant concerns that we
should take into account in whatever democratic institutionalarrangements we
adopt. I also agree with Bauböck that questions about who ought to have legal
rights within a jurisdiction and what rights they ought to have should be