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This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.

-Niediek’s Chapter 5 on Kosovo; Baev’s and Christophe’s Chapters 7 and 10, respectively, on Georgia; Koehler and Zürcher’s Chapter 8 on Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh; and Kisriev’s Chapter 6 on Chechnya, in this volume). Institutions matter What accounts for the different ways the various post-socialist societies dealt with the stress of transition? The case studies in this volume look at the institutional framework of these societies for answers. It is argued here that institutions 246 Institutions and the organisation of stability and violence perform three functions

in Potentials of disorder
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leaders pull towards increased fragmentation within the system, but the institutional framework continues to force this into the two-bloc logic. Given consistently rising levels of abstention among voters turned off by the choice ‘imposed’ by the current institutional framework, revisions to this framework are likely to go beyond the changes in presidential incumbency to date. Commentators continue to talk of the formulation of a Sixth Republic, although whether this indicates full regime change or simply a substantial amendment of the Fifth Republic is unclear

in The French party system
Is the CFSP sui generis?

. However, the aim is not to provide an empirically neutral and comprehensive account of CFSP, but rather to highlight issues of theoretical relevance, and it will therefore be done with the various theoretical alternatives in mind. Hence the discussion will be structured around the following key issues of relevance to the main theoretical debates: the key actors and the institutional framework for their cooperation; the nature of

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
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Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia

explained but, in a more general sense, the different response of the post-socialist societies to the conflicts that followed the collapse of the central state. This volume deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, afterempire spaces. The volume consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. All case studies are taken from the Caucasus and Former Yugoslavia. This has allowed, implicitly, and at times directly, the use of a

in Potentials of disorder
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the mégretistes and their return to ‘politics as normal’ as far as possible proved to work in terms of electoral support, even if the possible Mégret bridge to the moderate right had been lost.7 Perhaps the Green elites’ replacement of Lipietz with Mamère might be seen in a similar light. The attempt by the Socialists to salvage some cohesion on the left by promoting the notion – although unfulfilled – of gauche unie candidates in 2002 suggests that both the left and the right are relearning the underlying dynamics of the Fifth Republic institutional framework

in The French party system

and the region’s most difficult interlocutor, Turkmenistan. Regional bodies, however, have been found wanting. None, and in particular not the IFAS, has established an effective institutional framework for regulating regional water disputes. As one commentator recently stated, there are ‘too many intergovernmental agreements [which] remain just words on a piece of paper’.35 The principle cause of this ineffectiveness has been the organisation’s key stakeholders. Political differences, lack of political and financial commitment, and failure to implement agreements

in Limiting institutions?
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market for sports’ entertainment, its social and cultural meanings, the mode in which it is consumed, the way it is financed, and the distribution of its returns to the players and organisers have changed fundamentally. In this Introduction we raise a number of issues relevant to the appraisal of ‘the market’. Markets, of course, are not natural phenomena; they are created institutions, frameworks assembled and adhered to by the market’s participants. Their number varies over time as innovations of technique and organisation open up new ways of using economic resources

in Market relations and the competitive process

and ideational attributes combined to form a ‘hegemonic’ historical structure which heavily influenced international normative preferences, yet still lacked a fully corresponding institutional framework. 5 ‘Institutional’ implications of ‘normative’ change? In this study we have problematised the UN as ‘actor’ rather than ‘institution

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 37 Stunde Null and West German strategic culture 37 of the political elite to rehabilitate the Federal Republic as an equal in Euro-Atlantic institutions and to achieve sovereignty. Although the broad institutional frameworks for West Germany’s rearmament were in place by the mid 1950s it took some time to actually realise it. The Bundestag passed a bill in July 1955 for the raising of 6,000 volunteers and it took a further year to implement the Soldatengesetz. Furthermore, although the conscription bill was

in Germany and the use of force