assemblage was guided by a specific contextual element: the legal and institutional framework that came into being following the genocide. The Effectual Truth But the legal and institutional framework was not the only contextual element at work in the gacaca assemblage. A specific code of conduct – expressive form – defined and still defines the nature of social navigation in society. Speech acts did not only correspond to reality in the traditional organisation of Rwandan society. The word was a means to an end, not so much an end in itself. From a Judeo
This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
-Niediek’s Chapter 5 on Kosovo; Baev’s and Christophe’s Chapters 7 and 10, respectively, on Georgia; Koehler and Zürcher’s Chapter 8 on Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh; and Kisriev’s Chapter 6 on Chechnya, in this volume). Institutions matter What accounts for the diﬀerent ways the various post-socialist societies dealt with the stress of transition? The case studies in this volume look at the institutional framework of these societies for answers. It is argued here that institutions 246 Institutions and the organisation of stability and violence perform three functions
leaders pull towards increased fragmentation within the system, but the institutional framework continues to force this into the two-bloc logic. Given consistently rising levels of abstention among voters turned off by the choice ‘imposed’ by the current institutional framework, revisions to this framework are likely to go beyond the changes in presidential incumbency to date. Commentators continue to talk of the formulation of a Sixth Republic, although whether this indicates full regime change or simply a substantial amendment of the Fifth Republic is unclear
. However, the aim is not to provide an empirically neutral and comprehensive account of CFSP, but rather to highlight issues of theoretical relevance, and it will therefore be done with the various theoretical alternatives in mind. Hence the discussion will be structured around the following key issues of relevance to the main theoretical debates: the key actors and the institutional framework for their cooperation; the nature of
explained but, in a more general sense, the diﬀerent response of the post-socialist societies to the conﬂicts that followed the collapse of the central state. This volume deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, afterempire spaces. The volume consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. All case studies are taken from the Caucasus and Former Yugoslavia. This has allowed, implicitly, and at times directly, the use of a
the mégretistes and their return to ‘politics as normal’ as far as possible proved to work in terms of electoral support, even if the possible Mégret bridge to the moderate right had been lost.7 Perhaps the Green elites’ replacement of Lipietz with Mamère might be seen in a similar light. The attempt by the Socialists to salvage some cohesion on the left by promoting the notion – although unfulfilled – of gauche unie candidates in 2002 suggests that both the left and the right are relearning the underlying dynamics of the Fifth Republic institutional framework
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
and the region’s most difficult interlocutor, Turkmenistan. Regional bodies, however, have been found wanting. None, and in particular not the IFAS, has established an effective institutional framework for regulating regional water disputes. As one commentator recently stated, there are ‘too many intergovernmental agreements [which] remain just words on a piece of paper’.35 The principle cause of this ineffectiveness has been the organisation’s key stakeholders. Political differences, lack of political and financial commitment, and failure to implement agreements
and ideational attributes combined to form a ‘hegemonic’ historical structure which heavily influenced international normative preferences, yet still lacked a fully corresponding institutional framework. 5 ‘Institutional’ implications of ‘normative’ change? In this study we have problematised the UN as ‘actor’ rather than ‘institution