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The European Union and its member states

This book takes up traditional approaches to political science. It aims to offer a mixture of conventional and specific analyses and insights for different groups of readers. In view of the European Union's multi-level and multi-actor polity, the book highlights the complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). In looking at the emerging and evolving realities of the European polity, it shows how European institutions and Member States (re-)act and interact in a new institutional and procedural set-up. It explores how governmental and non-governmental actors in different national settings adapt to common challenges, constraints and opportunities for which they are mainly themselves responsible. The book discusses the Belgian policy toward European integration as a significant demonstration of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security and economic affairs. Attitudes to European integration in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Greece, and Spain are discussed. Tendencies towards 'Europeanisation' and 'sectoralisation' of the ministerial administration during the process of European integration and the typical administrative pluralism of the Italian political system seem to have mutually reinforced each other. Strong multi-level players are able to increase their access and influence at both levels and to use their position on one level for strengthening their say on the other. German and Belgian regions might develop into these kinds of actors. A persistent trend during the 1990s is traced towards stronger national performers, particularly in terms of adaptations and reactions to Maastricht Treaty.

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Europeanisation and Belgian federalism
Christian Franck, Hervé Leclercq and Claire Vandevievere

2444Ch3 3/12/02 3 2:02 pm Page 69 Christian Franck, Hervé Leclercq and Claire Vandevievere Belgium: Europeanisation and Belgian federalism Introduction: European integration as a historical lesson of neutrality For about fifty years, the Belgian policy toward European integration is the most significant demonstration Belgium has made of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security as well as in economic affairs. Even if Belgium had already illustrated such an orientation through its participation in multilateral trade and

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

hegemony and, hence, a monopoly of power.84 Accordingly, confederation can also be seen as a process by which a group of separate states commit themselves by a treaty of union to mutually beneficial interaction which may well extend beyond the traditional patterns of international co-operation. And since it aims to reconcile the concurrent demands for preserving the sovereignty of the parts, and with it the integrity of their populations, and for maintaining high levels of co-ordination among them, this model is indeed capable of embracing a wide range of institutional

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Heloise Brown

international co-operation were overruled on this occasion in favour of physical force. She wrote ‘It can hardly be supposed that I underrate the horrors of war. I have imagination enough and sympathy enough to follow almost as if I beheld it with my eyes, the great tragedy which has been unfolded in South Africa.’8 Butler’s concept of Evangelical imperialism was based primarily upon conversion rather than force. For example, writing in 1887 of Britain’s record in Ireland, she asked: On what basis does our Empire stand? Very largely on that of conquest. Tell me what warrant

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

background 31 result of implementation efforts (see last section of this chapter). Nor are we primarily occupied with the solution of the problems in question or other aspects of regime effectiveness. Why study implementation? Implementation of international environmental regimes is surprisingly often a very difficult task. If our subject of study were, say, international co-operation in the field of disarmament, it might be argued that the process of attaining agreements would warrant more interest than their subsequent implementation, since the former could be expected

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
David Colclough

those qualities and values that are required for the advancement of sciences and those needed for political success.13 While in his works on the pursuit of greatness Bacon stresses the importance of a large armed populace engaged in regular warfare, he frequently emphasises that the advancement of learning demands peace, international co-operation and the absence of religious controversy.14 Rather than reading Bacon’s wide-ranging writings into an unhappily homogeneous unity, it is better to think of each work as making a different and specific intervention into a

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

worked, they too would agree to the use of arbitration. Despite this interest in arbitration and international co-operation, there were significant differences between British and European liberalisms, particularly with regard to war and international relations. David Nicholls has argued that the contradictions between the British liberal belief in peace through free trade and non-intervention, and the European liberal position that nationalism and wars of liberation were a prerequisite for peace, meant that the establishment of a permanent international peace movement

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Smooth adaptation to European values and institutions
Teija Tiilikainen

new chapters of the Constitution being related to EU issues (under the title of ‘International Relations’), there is a specific section governing the transfer of sovereignty, which is not included. The general articles of the new Constitution, however, reflect the change that has taken place in Finland’s international commitments by mentioning international co-operation and giving peace, human rights and the development of society as its objectives. The political priorities of membership The Finnish membership in the Union was negotiated by a government led by the

in Fifteen into one?
Rhiannon Vickers

reparations being brought within Germany’s capacity to pay, an all-inclusive League of Nations ‘with power to deal with international disputes by methods of judicial arbitration and conciliation’, and arms limitations. Labour’s 1923 manifesto expressed similar sentiments, calling for ‘a policy of International Co-operation through a strengthened and enlarged League of Nations; the settlement of disputes by conciliation and judicial arbitration’ and the revision of the Versailles Treaty, especially regarding German reparations.14 Sidney Webb argued in his speech to the 1923

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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The emergence of a new major actor in the European arena
Felipe Basabe Lloréns

-operation against terrorism and drug trafficking.15 The Ministries of Home Affairs and Justice, traditionally resistant to international co-operation, have developed a new dynamic approach to these issues and even held leading positions and presented initiatives on a European scale in this field. Spain’s activity within the CFSP has been less relevant, concentrating its efforts on relationships with the Mediterranean countries and Latin America. Finally, Spain played an important role in both the 1990–91 and 1996–9716 IGCs, where it showed its interest in institutional issues

in Fifteen into one?