The study of European integration has in
the past been plagued by the so-called sui generis problem:
‘the EU is considered somehow beyond internationalrelations, somehow
a quasi-state or an inverted federation, or some other locution’ (Long
1997 : 187). At the empirical
level of analysis, few would deny that the EU does indeed display unique
characteristics, be it in its scope, institutional
8 The Recognition of Nature in
Kavalski and Magdalena
We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in
a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly,
affects all indirectly
Arctic internationalrelations: new stories
on rafted ice
In October 1988, an Inupiaq hunter saw that three grey whales were
trapped in the sea ice off of Point Barrow (Nuvuk), Alaska. These younger
‘teenage’ whales were on a migratory route between Arctic waters and
the warm seas of southern California and Mexico, but they had failed to
leave their northern feeding ground in time and had become trapped. The
North Slope community immediately set to work attempting to break
the ice and create breathing holes for the trapped whales. An attempt to
borrow a barge
This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.
core text for final-year undergraduate students
reading International Development Studies and InternationalRelations at the University of
Portsmouth. My module on ‘Rethinking Aid and Development’ explores the implications
of decolonial engagement with ideas and practices of international solidarity. Students have
said: ‘We should be assigned readings like this from year one.’ So I ask the
question here: ‘What if we were to start our humanitarian conversation with
Of course, other works have questioned the value of international
lessons that transcend the time and place of its creation and even transcend
its original religious function. This is certainly the case with the Judeo-Christian version of
the myth of Babel. 3 Set in an imaginary
context, it describes a universal ‘syndrome’ of the struggle for power. It is
suggestive for those who seek to explain recent changes in internationalrelations and in the
security strategy of the US.
According to the myth of the Tower of Babel, humanity, after the Great Flood, was united and
spoke just one language and had just one
visual media and humanitarianism. Meanwhile, other historians, internationalrelations
scholars, and political theorists have shed much light on the visual politics of aid,
including works on the innocent figure of the child to depoliticize controversial
contexts and build empathetic responses to distant suffering ( Burman, 1994 ; Campbell,
2012 ; Fehrenbach, 2015 ; Gigliotti, 2018 ; Gorin, 2015 ; Taithe,
2010 ), the dehistoricization and feminization of the refugee
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Committee on Human Rights that the former president should be allowed to run in the
forthcoming election. ‘We have conditions to do great things,’ he said to me when
we met, ‘but of course we need a legitimate government.’ It is far from clear that
the election, only weeks away, can deliver this.
Juliano Fiori: You first served as Brazilian foreign minister in the early 1990s.
Between then and now, what has been the principal change in the conduct of internationalrelations?
Celso Amorim: For me, the most important change to note is that, for the