Search results

Open Access (free)

All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.

Australia, France and Sweden compared
Dominique Anxo, Marian Baird, and Christine Erhel

relatively low gender disparities in labour market integration. This has not been the case for Australia and France. In Sweden, neither couple formation nor childbirth impacts on women’s employment rates, with the latter positively correlated to female labour market participation (Anxo et al., 2011). The main impact of childbirth in Sweden is therefore a combination of a period of parental leave followed by a temporary reduction of working hours to long part-time hours while children are young (preschool children) rather than a reduction of employment rate. In France

in Making work more equal
The effects of gender, households and ethnicity
Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith, and Paola Villa

’ (Rubery, 1992, 1993). Their innovative and significant contribution was to make a much stronger link to including a parallel analysis of the sphere of social reproduction (Picchio, 1992). This referred to institutions supporting the reproduction of labour, including the family as well as other significant institutions, such as school timetables and working-time norms. The organisation of these institutions, essential to the way in which the sphere of social production was structured, affected the forms and levels of female labour market participation and the patterns

in Making work more equal
Bill Jordan

countries, including those with such entrenched social protection systems as Denmark and the Netherlands. 26 Theorists in turn have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal citizenship, in the face of mass long-term unemployment, and the emergence of a significant ‘underclass’ of ‘welfare dependents’. 27 As Anthony Giddens puts it: ‘the new politics

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

. Feminist researchers nearly always praise social democracies, though they also acknowledge the incompleteness of the social democratic record. Plantenga et al. (1999) note that the Netherlands idealises the equal sharing of time between waged and unwaged work and between men and women. However, although women’s labour market participation has increased, there has been no corresponding increase in men’s care participation and so women are still the secondary earners in a ‘one-and-a-halfearner’ model (Lewis, 2001). The Dutch system salutes part-time employment as the means

in After the new social democracy
Sinéad Kennedy

made up forty-one per cent of part-time female workers.10 The majority of these part-time jobs are regular rather than occasional and can, thus, arguably be seen as part of the restructuring of the labour force and capitalism’s increasing need for a flexible and cheap workforce. Irish women’s participation in the labour force is still below the EU average, especially if we consider parental rather than marital status.11 Ireland has the lowest level of labour market participation in Europe among women with children under five years of age. In the Irish Republic, as

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

, contains no notion that rights are foundational, is individualistic in that rights are duties are thought always to correlate at the level of the individual (necessitating labour market participation in most cases) and is specific in the sense that reciprocity is thought to follow the contractualist, rationalist logic of cost–benefit analysis. By contrast, a theory of diverse reciprocity (1) cannot be separated from the background conditions of social justice or injustice, i.e. fair reciprocity demands material equality rather than simply the inclusion of unequals; (2

in After the new social democracy
A blessing or a curse for the employment of female university graduates?
Fang Lee Cooke

same time grappling with obstructing social problems and possible solutions. Notes 1 Informal employment includes, for example, agency employment, temporary employment, fixed-term employment, causal employment and self-employment. 2 The important role of family institutions in social reproduction and in facilitating the labour market participation of women with childcare responsibilities has been well recognised in the western context (c.f. Bosch et al., 2009 on the interrelationships between employment regimes and welfare regimes, including family systems

in Making work more equal