All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.
relatively low gender disparities in labour market integration.
This has not been the case for Australia and France. In Sweden, neither couple
formation nor childbirth impacts on women’s employment rates, with the latter
positively correlated to female labourmarketparticipation (Anxo et al., 2011).
The main impact of childbirth in Sweden is therefore a combination of a period
of parental leave followed by a temporary reduction of working hours to long
part-time hours while children are young (preschool children) rather than a
reduction of employment rate.
(Rubery, 1992, 1993).
Their innovative and significant contribution was to make a much stronger
link to including a parallel analysis of the sphere of social reproduction (Picchio,
1992). This referred to institutions supporting the reproduction of labour,
including the family as well as other significant institutions, such as school timetables and working-time norms. The organisation of these institutions, essential
to the way in which the sphere of social production was structured, affected
the forms and levels of female labourmarketparticipation and the patterns
countries, including those with such entrenched social protection systems as
Denmark and the Netherlands. 26 Theorists in turn have used the idea of social exclusion
to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-marketparticipation as the key to equal citizenship, in the face of mass long-term
unemployment, and the emergence of a significant ‘underclass’ of
‘welfare dependents’. 27 As Anthony Giddens puts it: ‘the new politics
Feminist researchers nearly always praise social democracies, though
they also acknowledge the incompleteness of the social democratic record.
Plantenga et al. (1999) note that the Netherlands idealises the equal
sharing of time between waged and unwaged work and between men and
women. However, although women’s labourmarketparticipation has
increased, there has been no corresponding increase in men’s care participation and so women are still the secondary earners in a ‘one-and-a-halfearner’ model (Lewis, 2001). The Dutch system salutes part-time
employment as the means
made up forty-one per cent
of part-time female workers.10 The majority of these part-time jobs are
regular rather than occasional and can, thus, arguably be seen as part of
the restructuring of the labour force and capitalism’s increasing need for
a flexible and cheap workforce.
Irish women’s participation in the labour force is still below the EU
average, especially if we consider parental rather than marital status.11
Ireland has the lowest level of labourmarketparticipation in Europe
among women with children under five years of age. In the Irish
, contains no notion that
rights are foundational, is individualistic in that rights are duties are
thought always to correlate at the level of the individual (necessitating
labourmarketparticipation in most cases) and is specific in the sense that
reciprocity is thought to follow the contractualist, rationalist logic of
cost–benefit analysis. By contrast, a theory of diverse reciprocity (1)
cannot be separated from the background conditions of social justice or
injustice, i.e. fair reciprocity demands material equality rather than simply
the inclusion of unequals; (2
A blessing or a curse for the employment of female university graduates?
Fang Lee Cooke
same time grappling with obstructing social
problems and possible solutions.
1 Informal employment includes, for example, agency employment, temporary employment, fixed-term employment, causal employment and self-employment.
2 The important role of family institutions in social reproduction and in facilitating the
labourmarketparticipation of women with childcare responsibilities has been well recognised in the western context (c.f. Bosch et al., 2009 on the interrelationships between
employment regimes and welfare regimes, including family systems