This book produces a major rethinking of the history of development after 1940 through an exploration of Britain’s ambitions for industrialisation in its Caribbean colonies. Industrial development is a neglected topic in histories of the British Colonial Empire, and we know very little of plans for Britain’s Caribbean colonies in general in the late colonial period, despite the role played by riots in the region in prompting an increase in development spending. This account shows the importance of knowledge and expertise in the promotion of a model of Caribbean development that is best described as liberal rather than state-centred and authoritarian. It explores how the post-war period saw an attempt by the Colonial Office to revive Caribbean economies by transforming cane sugar from a low-value foodstuff into a lucrative starting compound for making fuels, plastics and medical products. In addition, it shows that as Caribbean territories moved towards independence and America sought to shape the future of the region, scientific and economic advice became a key strategy for the maintenance of British control of the West Indian colonies. Britain needed to counter attempts by American-backed experts to promote a very different approach to industrial development after 1945 informed by the priorities of US foreign policy.
modernisation theory. It describes how the latecolonial Caribbean was a laboratory for the emergence of new ideas about the development of manufacturing and shows how initiatives on the ground could in fact contribute to later theoretical work; a rather different relationship between theory and practice from that typically described.
This account also broadens our understanding of development by focusing on a region that has been overlooked in historical studies. The riots in Britain’s Caribbean colonies during the 1930s persuaded the British government to greatly increase
Science and industrial development: lessons from Britain’s imperial past
, scientists could become part of networks, but useful contacts that would facilitate the transfer of knowledge at the level of the individual colony did not necessarily have the time and opportunity to develop in the latecolonial period.
Fundamental research into the chemistry of sugar was done on the basis that the results of scientific research would be of interest to businessmen. It became clear, however, that sugar manufacturers that operated in the Caribbean did not possess the necessary chemical and commercial skills to capitalise on the results
Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing
Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins
political sovereignty in spite of geographical dispersion’.8 Post-colonialism will be
used here to describe the period in which political and theoretical
struggles of previously colonised societies broached their transition
from political, military and economic dependence to independent
Medicine’s and, by association, nursing’s role in this latercolonial
process may be seen as part of an attempt by the colonisers to justify the harsher sides of imperialism. These attempts at justification
were taking place at the same time that political and religious
The intellectual influence of non-medical research on policy and practice in the Colonial Medical Service in Tanganyika and Uganda
modernisation or attachment theory, as
well as tribal particularism. Significantly, this development worked
against the liberal tendencies of many latecolonial doctors, who were
eager to separate disease susceptibility from broad-based assumptions
associating race with certain behaviours, and instead continued to
foster a tendency to pathologise African social life through generalised
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain
some areas of land as ‘reserves’,
where Indigenous people could continue to occupy and work the land; but,
in such cases, their tenure – whether by African or Maori tribal
group or Indian band – was communal: the land belonged to that
people as a whole. Sooner or later, colonial authorities in these cases
insisted that communal property could not satisfy the property
qualification, which required that
Paul Greenough, Stuart Blume and Christine Holmberg
to vaccination in India beginning in the latecolonial
period and continuing well into the early decades of Independence; while there
were at least four oppositional positions, elite authors (including Mahatma
Gandhi) concurred that a free and self-reliant India would be damaged rather
than strengthened by public health immunisation.
The two final chapters in Part I bring to light hitherto
‘hidden’ vaccination histories by narrating the
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
the two, as do questions of race, color, religion, language, and gender. […] Postcolonial studies are a critique of postcoloniality, the condition in areas of the world that were colonies. I do not believe the Ottoman Empire, whose legacy has defined the Balkans, can be treated as a latecolonial empire.
(Todorova 2009 : 194–5)
Several scholars from south-east Europe who do view their work as postcolonial – including Dušan Bjelić, Konstantin Kilibarda and Miglena Todorova – view
, 1800–1947 ,
New Delhi, Orient Longman and Sangam Books, 2005 ; Anne Digby, Diversity and Division in Medicine:
Healthcare in South Africa from the 1800s , Oxford, Peter
Lang, 2006 ; Guy Attewell, Refiguring Unani
Tibb: Plural Healing in LateColonial India , New Delhi,
Orient Longman, 2007 ; Biswamoy Pati and Mark
Harrison (eds.), The Social History of Health and
Missions, the colonial state and constructing a health system in colonial Tanganyika
be at least attempting to meet the health needs of the territory could
only really be justified (to the extent that it could) by recognising
the voluntary role that actors in the form of missionary organisations
were playing in running health services for Tanganyikans.
The model that characterised latecolonial-period
Tanganyika was one of public-private partnership. Having long acted as