own societies where there is plenty of need. Let them be politically engaged ‘at
home’. Aren’t humanitarianism’s colonial origins sort of obvious when we
think about the decline of the liberal order? For most people – the countless millions
who will never receive aid – the reality of human suffering must be faced with even less
hope for fundamental change than has marked the last fifty years. The purpose, the ethical core,
the mission, the motivations – all of these seem to me to be in play now that the
assumptions of liberal-capitalism are
This book argues that John Dewey should be read as a philosopher of globalization rather than as a 'local' American philosopher. Although Dewey's political philosophy was rooted in late nineteenth and early twentieth century America, it was more importantly about the role of America in a globalized world. The book highlights how Dewey's defence of democracy in the context of what he denotes as the Great Society leads him to confront the problems of globalization and global democracy. Then, it explores how Dewey's conception of creative democracy had global connotations. The book examines how Dewey problematized his own conception of democracy through arguing that the public within modern nation states was 'eclipsed' under the regime he called 'bourgeois democracy'. Then, it shifts the terrain of Dewey's global focus to ideas of global justice and equality. The book demonstrates that Dewey's idea of global democracy was linked with an idea of global equality, which would secure social intelligence on a global scale. It outlines the key Deweyan lessons about the problem of global democracy. The book shows how Dewey sets out an evolutionary form of global and national democracy in his work. Finally, it also outlines how Dewey believed liberal capitalism was unable to support social intelligence and needed replacing with a form of democratic socialism.
argues for a ‘social goal based on an inclusive plan’ but fails to spell out
the details of such an ‘inclusive plan’.1
Both sets of these claims seem to miss the mark. As we have seen,
Dewey certainly was no apologist for liberalcapitalism at home or
abroad. And whilst Dewey was often unforthcoming or rather unwilling
to offer definitive blueprints for how to achieve creative democracy, it is
also unfair to say that Dewey left behind few concrete practical means
to achieve his own democratic ends. Dewey thought that the collapse of
European democracy into
, we discuss the present
position of ‘equality’: has its value decreased in general
esteem because of the almost universal acceptance of liberalcapitalism
and its emphasis on ‘freedom’ as the prime political and
POINTS TO CONSIDER
Why has equality been valued less than liberty in Western
societies? Do recent advances in genetics give the lie to the
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
all humans and reap the benefits of
social intelligence. However, this brought Dewey back to the problem
of bourgeois democracy and the eclipse of the public within the nation
state and how bourgeois democracy as an economic, cultural and
political formation was fundamentally at odds with creative democracy
within and beyond the state.
The main problem that Dewey identified with bourgeois democracy
and its influence on global democracy is that the material and cultural
inequalities engendered by liberalcapitalism are the product of the
hegemonic cultural ideas of
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.
rooted in the
emergence of the First Great Globalization of the nineteenth
The rise of globalization and increased industrial complexity does
not necessarily create reflexive and cosmopolitan individuals.
Nationalism and national democracy are not the archenemies of
The fate of extending democracy beyond the nation state is twined
with the fate of democracy at the national level, and the nation state
is the starting point for any form of planetary democracy.
Liberalcapitalism and democracy are, to a
Marxism–Leninism; anarchism; Third World socialism.
All these movements would call
themselves ‘socialist’; all criticise liberalcapitalism; all
desire social change to improve the lot of the mass of the population.
However, they are often involved in bitter ideological argument with each
other. Socialism is the most self-consciously ideological of the
movements. Theory and ideas are
is essentially two-pronged: it
deals with relations between nation states and publics in, and between,
those national populations. In the first instance, Dewey’s writings in the
aftermath of the destruction left by the First World War highlight his
belief that the old order of international liberalcapitalism, underwritten
by imperialism and asymmetric global North/South relations, could
be replaced if humanity realized that it was democracy ‘for which we
are fighting’ (MW11: 98–106). Writing in 1918, Dewey argued that
peace now brought new problems for social