This book is a history of an illusion. It is also a history of the dream that preceded the illusion. The book discusses statistics as the field of tension between the scientific claims of neutrality and universality on the one hand and the political and economic reality of the conflicting interests of nation-states on the other. The various paths of state- and nation-building that European countries traversed in the nineteenth century are recognisable in the objectives of government statistics and are reflected in the topics selected for statistical study and in the categories used in the research. Each congress was clearly dominated by the specific interests of the country in which the statisticians convened. The book shows in each case how the organisation of government statistics and national concerns influenced the international agenda. It describes the perceptions, goals and dilemmas of the protagonists and their contact with each other, and in so doing unravels the complex relationships between science, government and society, wherever possible from their point of view. The genesis of international statistics was inspired by a desire for reform. Belgium's pioneering role in the European statistical movement was informed both by its liberal polity and the special status of statistics within it, and by Adolphe Quetelet's key position as an intellectual. The consolidation of the Grand Duchy of Baden, a new medium-sized state in the Rhine Confederation and later in the German Confederation, offered great opportunities for the development of official statistics.
subject, but we will see that other, seemingly neutral topics of statistical
research were no less thorny.
Belgians as trailblazers
Belgium’s pioneering role in the European statistical movement was informed
both by its liberalpolity and the special status of statistics within it, and by
Quetelet’s key position as an intellectual. By the mid-nineteenth century, under
Quetelet’s leadership a learning process had had an impact on government statistics in Belgium and many practical problems had been resolved. In 1846 a
general census of population, industry and
Decoupled from an obsession with ethnic descent, multiculturalism supports a
politics in which men and women come together to take control of the
production of their public social world.
Conclusion: a republican multiculturalism
I have argued in this chapter that (1)
multiculturalism must be central not peripheral to any adequate theory of
principles to inform the liberalpolity; (2) that culture is a process not a
This book focuses on the paradoxical character of law and specifically concerns the structural violence of law as the political imposition of normative order onto a "lawless" condition. The paradox of law which grounds and motivates Christoph Menke's intervention is that law is both the opposite of violence and, at the same time, a form of violence. The book develops its engagement with the paradox of law in two stages. The first shows why, and in what precise sense, the law is irreducibly characterized by structural violence. The second explores the possibility of law becoming self-reflectively aware of its own violence and, hence, of the form of a self-critique of law in view of its own violence. The Book's philosophical claims are developed through analyses of works of drama: two classical tragedies in the first part and two modern dramas in the second part. It attempts to illuminate the paradoxical nature of law by way of a philosophical interpretation of literature. There are at least two normative orders within the European ethical horizon that should be called "legal orders" even though they forego the use of coercion and are thus potentially nonviolent. These are international law and Jewish law. Understanding the relationship between law and violence is one of the most urgent challenges a postmodern critical legal theory faces today. Self-reflection, the philosophical concept that plays a key role in the essay, stands opposed to all forms of spontaneity.
“unregulated.” If Menke’s statement that law “must also secure its rule against the
possibility of the extra-legal or non-law” is understood as a description
of the relation that liberalpolities have traditionally established with
the external world of foreign political communities, such an account is
accurate only for the age of colonialism and aggressive expansionism.
Since the 1928 Briand-Kellog Pact, signed by sixty-two states, not to
mention the UN Charter of 1945, aggressive wars are banned as crimes
by the international community. Of course these documents were
wide range of disciplines associated with civic studies reveals several subject categories. The leading category comprises the liberties espoused by democracy. The formal aspect of governmental or political proceedings and institutions comes some way down the list. The State of Israel, by its very nature a ‘non-liberal democracy’ and therefore unable to guarantee equal rights for all of its citizens, has consciously elected to avoid any debate regarding those rights or any other sensitive issue specific to the non-liberalpolity. 16 As a result, Israeli pupils have
administrations.42 In this regard, the far-flung political institutions, rules,
norms and relations that the US built during the Cold War are still in place, and
these overall macro-structures can be seen to work despite the steady decline in
Theory and reform in the European Union
America’s hegemonic position and the failings of its leaders. Indeed, the overall
US-shaped system is still in place. It is this macropolitical system, a legacy of
American power and its liberalpolity, that remains crucial in generating agreement in the post-Cold War international relations
distribution of formal legislative and executive authority, the form and range of
such distribution, and the variegated possibilities for exclusive, concurrent or
residual competences. In Western liberalpolities, there is a strong predisposition to safeguard the essential norms of democratic governance, with the tensions between different levels of authority often being exacerbated by reference
to their acclaimed ‘democrativeness’. Such problems are compounded further
Theory and reform in the European Union
by the extent to which the polity at hand is characterised