This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Neil McNaughton

come to be known as the ‘rivers of blood speech’, created a furious response. On the one hand, Powell claimed to receive 100,000 letters of support for his views. The right-wing press seized on the statement in their campaign to see strict limits on immigration. The Conservative party (led at the time by Ted Heath), where Powell did have a certain degree of support, was forced to sack him from the shadow cabinet. In parliament, where the second Race Relations Act was being debated, MPs on both sides of the divide were galvanised into a major conflict over immigration

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing
Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins

disease outbreak, as a prism through which to examine historical questions, invisible or overlooked processes can be revealed. Dale also uses a crisis, in her case the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902), to question the motivation, control and organisation of military nursing at the end of the nineteenth century. Her study reveals a crisis within military nursing, performed at the time by a mix of trained and lay nurses, as the army struggled to meet the demand for professional nursing in the first major conflict to involve nurses in large numbers since the Crimea. The

in Colonial caring
Iver B. Neumann

our purposes is the plurality of actors involved in constituting the major conflict line at any one time in the history of the European states’ system: two during the seventeenth century, many during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, again two during the twentieth century. Now, with the United States being the only superpower around, the so-called ‘unipolar moment’ has arrived – but it is

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century)
Tilman Haug

Denmark, which again was part of a major conflict in northern Europe, two military confrontations between Sweden and the Hanseatic city of Bremen, the punitive action of Bishop Christoph Bernhard von Galen against his own city of Münster and its council’s ambition to become a free city (alongside his many other military adventures), and territorial struggles such as the ‘Kuhkrieg’ (cow war), named after the capture of a significant amount of livestock during its course, between the duke of Neuburg and the elector of Brandenburg.3 This was followed by the more aggressive

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

to better focus on the big trends in world politics. Obama’s senior officials perceived that the major conflicts in the Middle East had not only sapped blood and treasure to no obvious strategic advantage, they had also warped the government’s priorities and taken its focus off the major forces that were shaping America’s global interests. In particular, so claimed the administration, Bush’s focus on Iraq and Afghanistan had come at the cost of America’s position in Asia, the region that was fast becoming the world’s most important. The response to this perceived

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen

member states. So, on the one hand there are the national interests of the fifteen member states, which might very well differ from the interests of the European Union. Special ‘European’ interests are supposed to be related to the idea that, based on values, Europe has a special role to play in the world (Hill and Wallace, 1996: 9). According to Roy Ginsberg (1999: 436), such principles and values are ‘democracy, soft-edged capitalism, a zone of peace among members, and diplomatic mediation between third parties to undercut the causes of major conflict’. In order to

in EU development cooperation
Neil Macmaster

generally referred to as a psychology of attentisme. By 1960 the situation had barely improved, and the SAS reported that the FLN was locked into major conflict with the MNA infiltrating into Bordj Okhriss from the south, ‘but the different organisations are so closely intermingled that it is often difficult to identify them. Overall the population of these regions is disconcerted and pulls back further into itself’.107 The term attentisme is not easily translated: for the French authorities this was often used in a conventional sense of a ‘wait and see policy’, that

in Burning the veil
Cas Mudde

ideological level: that of the familles spirituelles. It is these ideological ‘families’ that are compared on the basis of the other criteria. Although his main typology is based on ideology, Von Beyme writes that he has constructed the different types on the basis of Rokkan’s famous historical–sociological study of the four critical lines of cleavages (Von Beyme 1985: 23). Where Rokkan distinguishes ten ‘ideological groups’ on the basis of four major conflicts (cleavages) in Western Europe (Rokkan 1970), Von Beyme specifies only nine ‘spiritual families’: (i) liberal and

in The ideology of the extreme right