Walter Bruyère-Ostells

Mercenaries are fighters who operate under special conditions. Their presence, as shadow combatants, often tends to exacerbate the violence of their enemies. That’s why the analysis focuses on the singularity of the relationship to death and ‘procedures’ concerning the corpses of their fallen comrades. As a fighter identified and engaged in landlocked areas, the mercenary’s corpse is treated according to material constraints pertaining in the 1960s. After violence on their body, and evolution towards the secret war, mercenaries favour the repatriation of the body or its disappearance. These new, painful conditions for comrades and families give birth to a collective memory fostered by commemorations.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Peter H. Wilson

3 ‘Mercenary’ contracts as Fiscal-Military Instruments Peter H. Wilson Introduction Subsidies are widely acknowledged as an important manifestation of European interstate relations between the fifteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and they are beginning to attract serious attention from scholars. To date, research has largely focused on individual agreements or sets of agreements as part of wider diplomatic relations between two states. It is recognized that such relations were invariably asymmetrical, with the stronger party paying the weaker one in return

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Economies of allegiance

French subsidies played a central role in European politics from Charles VIII’s invasion of Italy in 1494 until the French Revolution. French kings attempted to frustrate what they viewed as a Habsburg bid to pursue universal monarchy. During the seventeenth century, the French monarchy would embrace the payment of subsidies on a different scale than previously, using alliances in which subsidies played a prominent role to pursue crucial aspects of royal policy. Louis XIII made alliances promising subsidies to support the United Provinces’ resumed war against the king of Spain, and for the Danish, Swedish, and various German princes to fight against the Holy Roman Emperor. Louis XIV continued some of these subsidies and used subsidies as a tool in order to implement his own politics. When Louis XIV appeared to Dutch and some English statesmen as aspiring to Universal monarchy, the Dutch and particularly the English used the tool of subsidies to frustrate the French monarch. During the eighteenth century, principally the French and the British, but also the Austrians, used subsidies to procure allies and attempt to maintain the balance of power. The subsidy system prompted significant debates about the legal, political, and moral implications, and was sometimes a source of political conflict between competing power groupings within states. The book argues that participation in the French system of subsidies neither necessarily accelerated nor necessarily retarded state development; but such participation could undoubtedly change political dynamics, the creation of institutions, and the form of states that would emerge.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Practices, conflicts, and impact in the sixteenth century
Philippe Rogger

: Ziele und Zwänge des eidgenössischen Ausgriffs in die Lombardei vor 1516’, in Marignano 1515: la svolta, Atti del congresso internazionale, Milano, 13 settembre 2014, ed. by Marino Viganò (Milan: Fondazione Trivulzio, 2015), pp. 17–32. Pensions in Switzerland 147 fashion. But although its infantry’s short phase of tactical superiority in the European theatres of war ended at Marignano, as a market for mercenaries and as a guardian of Alpine passes the Corpus Helveticum remained a power factor as Spain and France jostled for the predominant position in Europe.3

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Eşref Aksu

However, the problem of unwanted foreign presence and activities did not evaporate. In conjunction with secessionist attempts, the issue of mercenaries continued to occupy the UN’s agenda. Despite the official Belgian withdrawal, many Belgian military personnel remained in Katanga, transforming themselves into mercenaries in charge of the Katangese gendarmerie , 32 thereby making it very difficult for

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
German reception of French subsidies in the Thirty Years’ War
Tryntje Helfferich

French subsidies were also freighted with additional, and often contradictory, meanings. First, the payments were seen by the Germans as proxies for the value the French monarch placed on his allies, and thus were in themselves honours and indications of the recipient’s worth and status. But the payments were also described as worrisome attempts by the French to buy influence and wield control over the princes – thereby denigrating the latter’s sovereign status and demoting them to the role of mercenary captains. French moneys were also portrayed as a means for this

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

the Swiss as mercenaries in The Prince and thought the French unwise to rely on the troops of allies paid for their service rather than on native troops.6 Yet money’s role in European politics would increase, rather than decrease, as Maximilian’s grandson Charles created a composite monarchy that combined the Burgundian inheritance, the Low Countries, the office of the Holy Roman Emperor and the Habsburg Austrian homelands, and the Spanish kingdoms with not only Aragon’s contentious Italian claims and possessions but also Castile’s territories in the New World

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

process. 1 Peter H. Wilson, War, State and Society in Württemberg, 1677–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 77. 2 See, for instance, Peter Claus Hartmann, Geld als Instrument europäischer Machtpolitik im Zeitalter des Merkantilismus (Munich: Kommission für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 1978); Alois Schmid, Max III: Joseph und die europäischen Mächte: Die Außenpolitik des Kurfürstentums Bayern von 1745–1765 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987); Charles W. Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State: Ideas, Institutions, and Reform under Frederick II, 1760

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century)
Tilman Haug

8 Small powers and great designs: diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century) Tilman Haug In his study of mercenaries in north-western Germany in the early modern period, Peter Burschel stated that the end of the Thirty Years’ War with the Peace of Westphalia did not mark a significant decrease in demand in the regional mercenary markets, which remained at a fairly constant level throughout the entire seventeenth century.1 Even at a superficial glance at

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789