Mercenaries are fighters who operate under special conditions. Their presence, as shadow combatants, often tends to exacerbate the violence of their enemies. That’s why the analysis focuses on the singularity of the relationship to death and ‘procedures’ concerning the corpses of their fallen comrades. As a fighter identified and engaged in landlocked areas, the mercenary’s corpse is treated according to material constraints pertaining in the 1960s. After violence on their body, and evolution towards the secret war, mercenaries favour the repatriation of the body or its disappearance. These new, painful conditions for comrades and families give birth to a collective memory fostered by commemorations.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

However, the problem of unwanted foreign presence and activities did not evaporate. In conjunction with secessionist attempts, the issue of mercenaries continued to occupy the UN’s agenda. Despite the official Belgian withdrawal, many Belgian military personnel remained in Katanga, transforming themselves into mercenaries in charge of the Katangese gendarmerie , 32 thereby making it very difficult for

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

unregulated violence may lead to the establishing of routines, it will not, however, result in the formulation of rules. Contracts between the warring parties can also be breached. Violence can even destroy the clientelist relations within a warring party and between warlords, their chiefs and mercenaries. The officer of a warlord may revolt against him or may betray him allying with his enemies. The possibility of murder for the sake of murder cannot be excluded in areas open to violence, even if such a murder would appear uneconomical to most actors. Thus, to summarise, a

in Potentials of disorder

, mercenaries and paramilitaries linked to firms and other sub-state or cross-national organizations. This is true not only in the Second and Third Worlds, but in the First World too, as private security firms increasingly supplement or replace public police forces, prisons, and so on. Anarchy in the international system is no longer confined to conflicts between states, and at home the state no longer holds an effective monopoly of legitimate violence. There are strong grounds for arguing that the fundamental bond of physical security and protection, which has legitimated

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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‘Commonwealth’ politics under George I, 1714–22

be cautioned against bribery and ‘any unreasonable gainer or spender’, as well as those who were ‘suspected enemies of his present Majesty’s title and family’. Deliberately recalling the Danger of mercenary Parliaments (in both editions of 1698 and 1705) with lengthy citations against those ministers who became ‘the most active instruments of enslaving their country’, Toland made the parallel between the early 1700s and the late 1710s even more explicit. As he clarified, the tracts had been prompted not by any suspicion of William III who was not suspected of

in Republican learning

enlisted ‘mercenaries’. Wilson always denied striking a deal with Johnson, but in truth he did accept the link between Britain’s defence posture and the ease of securing US support for sterling. On 17 June, Wilson initiated his ‘Commonwealth Peace Mission’ to try to bring peace to Vietnam, essentially on American terms. He believed that he had Johnson’s firm support, but the President was in fact hostile towards the scheme, which

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)

the rights of war were denied. On capture, Pindaris were tried and, if found guilty, summarily executed. By 1818 Hastings could report that the campaign had been successfully completed. Rumours subsequently flourished, however, that rural labourers continued to join the Pindaris. 72 The campaign against mercenary bands did little to solve the problem of robber gangs; indeed, it may have exacerbated the

in The other empire
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Milton, Harrington and the Williamite monarchy, 1698–1714

production of pamphlets attacking mercenary parliaments, standing armies, and the dangers of courtly patronage, Toland was intimate with the elite of republican politicians. At the very time when he was preparing his printed defence against the prosecution of Christianity not mysterious by Convocation, Toland was also working upon the editions of Milton, Ludlow, Sidney and Harrington. In terms of the sheer number of words and pages produced this was a Herculean task. The Sidney and Harrington volumes (1698, 1700) totalled together a sum of over a thousand pages of folio

in Republican learning
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Cardinal Richelieu, Archbishop Harlay of Paris or the military archbishop of Bordeaux, Henri de Sourdis, did not possess a shred of religious commitment when it came to their episcopal vocations. Yet the reality is far more complex, for even political activities could be reconciled with the spiritual functions of the office in order to neutralise accusations of mercenary worldliness. Moreover, beside the flamboyant ‘Harlays’ stand less well-known bishops like Sourdis’s brother, François, a diligent, devout and fiery archbishop and cardinal, whose dedication to his

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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Seas, oceans and civilisations

dimension to its fiercely competitive political centre. Though ruthless and corruptible, the guild oligarchy was the crux of a tyrannical concentration of power in the polity. Externally, the oligarchic state attained imperial extension of a very particular and modest kind. With little domestic territory, portal Venice became a consummate seaborne power that, at its height, commanded a network-​like empire with an extremely effective and mobile navy (Paine, 2013: 317–​21, 429–​30). The mercenaries, agents, contacts and intermediaries of the Venetian Republic extended

in Debating civilisations