and other individuals with whom they share the experience of being displaced.
She borrows Appadurai’s (1996) label of
‘cultural citizens’ to describe these two groups, given that both rely on
information technology to engage in producing locality that transcends the artificial
boundaries defined by the nation-state. Interestingly, while both netizens and asylum
seekers share this trait, Leung identifies a key difference: netizens, she claims,
receive the nation-state’s endorsement as long as
, then, is that since the end of the Cold War, something comparable has
occurred in the inter-state system. ‘Babel syndrome’ has determined the course of
international relations for almost three decades, and the story has now reached its climax. Let
us explain further.
The basic unit of power in the world system in which we live at the beginning of the
twenty-first century is still the nationstate, with its frontiers clearly delimited and its
sovereignty recognised by other members of the system. This inter-state system was formed in
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
something as basic as the right to life) only to fall foul of another set of laws (Italian domestic law). 22 But here the parallels end. For Sophocles, Antigone (rather than Polynices) is the key tragic figure of his play. Rackete would probably point out that the real issue is the drowning of migrants rather than her violation of Italian law.
The comparison is nevertheless useful because it draws attention to the centrality of the idea of civil disobedience and of the notion of a superior law that trumps the laws of the nation-state not only for Rackete, but also for
migration and trade policies, Europeans have increasingly
opted for a closing-inwards of the nationstate, calling into question the viability of the
European project itself. The Brexit referendum, in June 2016, provided a clear example of
Politics on the periphery has taken a similarly illiberal turn, with more violent
consequences. In the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte boasts of carrying out extrajudicial
killings and threatens to kill corrupt state officials, and he has launched a bloody war on
drugs, for which he has been
be mapped out through the embodiments of the sacred, from the body of Christ and its sacred positioning within Christianity, to the body of the hero whose sacrifice was so integral to the modern nation-state, on to the victim, who became the sacred object for liberal rule. 11 However, countering Girard’s mythical assertion that the sacred allows us to domesticate violence by giving immense meaning to life, what we can alternatively say is there would be no possible way to justify any form of political violence without the sacred object and its worldly claims. Just
Hinton , A. L. and O’Neill , K. L. (eds), Genocide: Truth, Memory and Representation ( Durham, NC and London : Duke University Press ), pp. 80 – 110 .
Buur , L. ( 2001 ), ‘The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission: A technique of nation-state formation’ , in Blom Hansen , T. and Stepputat , F. (eds), States of Imagination: Ethnographic Explorations of the Postcolonial State ( Durham, NC and London : Duke University Press ), pp. 149 – 201 .
Chakravarty , A. ( 2015 ), Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
After decades of conflict, an agreement in 2005 set in motion the processes that would lead South Sudan to become an independent nation-state in 2011. After an initial period of optimism, conflict re-emerged; first over control of oil resources in 2012, and then in the form of a civil war, starting in 2013. The conflict has caused the displacement of millions of people internally and internationally as refugees. Compounded by the lack of basic infrastructure and services, limited capacity, and minimal governmental presence outside of Juba
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
unavailable for the Biafrans, perceived not as a self-determination campaign, but as
a secessionist threat: the opponent that was accepted as a sovereign nation-state in
intergovernmental organisations was Nigeria. This was the OAU [Organisation of
African Unity] stance that determined the position of the UN and the wider
diplomatic world, in which Biafra’s campaign could not thrive, even though
the rhetoric of the campaign itself was so similar to decolonisation
Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.
four key Deweyan lessons about the problem of global democracy.
These centre on the nature of society and community, the role of the
nationstate in furthering democracy beyond the nationstate, the use
of democracy at home to create a rooted cosmopolitanism and the
problem of bourgeois democracy at home as the biggest impediment
to global democracy. What all these lessons highlight is how Dewey
believed that the problem of democracy at home needed to be tackled
in order to facilitate democracy abroad. In the second part, I use these
lessons to re