Europe by numbers
Author: Nico Randeraad

This book is a history of an illusion. It is also a history of the dream that preceded the illusion. The book discusses statistics as the field of tension between the scientific claims of neutrality and universality on the one hand and the political and economic reality of the conflicting interests of nation-states on the other. The various paths of state- and nation-building that European countries traversed in the nineteenth century are recognisable in the objectives of government statistics and are reflected in the topics selected for statistical study and in the categories used in the research. Each congress was clearly dominated by the specific interests of the country in which the statisticians convened. The book shows in each case how the organisation of government statistics and national concerns influenced the international agenda. It describes the perceptions, goals and dilemmas of the protagonists and their contact with each other, and in so doing unravels the complex relationships between science, government and society, wherever possible from their point of view. The genesis of international statistics was inspired by a desire for reform. Belgium's pioneering role in the European statistical movement was informed both by its liberal polity and the special status of statistics within it, and by Adolphe Quetelet's key position as an intellectual. The consolidation of the Grand Duchy of Baden, a new medium-sized state in the Rhine Confederation and later in the German Confederation, offered great opportunities for the development of official statistics.

German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

internal borders, or when they are faced with deportation. Such support has nevertheless been significant, because it potentially challenges the right of nation-states to determine who enters their territory and who is allowed to stay, and because it is often primarily prompted by a sense of solidarity, rather than by a sense of compassion towards suffering fellow humans. Those engaged in such acts of solidarity include, for example, French olive farmer Cédric Herrou, who since 2015 has assisted migrants crossing from Italy to France, and Swedish student Elin Ersson, who

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Luís Fiori

be seen to act in a more or less predictable way: In the relationship between nation states, the mere preservation of social existence requires the constant expansion of power because, in a situation of open competition, those who do not rise, fall. In other words, in the inter-state system, every great power is obliged to expand its power continuously, even in periods of peace, if possible seeking the limit of absolute and global monopoly. But reaching this limit is an impossibility in this system because, if it were to be reached, the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A global history

In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.

Raymond Hinnebusch

constitutes, in Kienle’s argument, a system of territorial states, but not, so far, nation-states (Hudson 1977: 33–55; Kienle 1990: 1–30; Korany, 1988: 164–78). At the same time, all the states of the region suffered competition from the mosaic of sub-state identities on which the state boundaries were haphazardly imposed. There are ethnic minorities in all Middle East countries, notably the Kurds, spread between Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria, and the Berbers, who spill across North African boundaries. Iran is the premier multi-ethnic society, its

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Inheriting the Task of Creative Democracy
John Narayan

‘global’ philosopher and global democrat. This was because Dewey understood that the Great Society and the globalization and scientific revolutions that underpinned it both demanded and offered potential avenues to renew and refresh democracy as a way of life across and between nation states. This held the potential of helping humanity not only move forwards and away from extinction but also move towards a more enhanced and enriched shared existence. This was the dual promise Dewey saw in creative democracy and social intelligence within a global Great Community. In

in John Dewey
Analysing two arenas over time
Wolfgang Wessels, Andreas Maurer, and Jürgen Mittag

complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). Unlike volumes on the general structure and culture of European political systems, this volume focuses on reactions and adaptations to a challenge which is common to all – i.e. the policy-cycle of the Union. We thus intend to explore structural commonalities and differences with a common point of reference. Fifteen traditional systems and their variations may be better explained when the comparison is based on the

in Fifteen into one?
Ciarán O’Kelly

the sidelining in the more established nation-states of the republican traditions associated with civic nationalism. In France, where the republican tradition had been strong, the tone of statehood started to tend towards the authoritarian. Now the Dreyfusard appeal to ‘the stern Jacobin concept of the nation based upon human rights – that republican view of communal life which asserts that (in the words of Clemenceau) by

in Political concepts
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

8 The art of losing the state: weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher The conflict around Nagorno-Karabakh offers an insight into the rules and processes that governed the transformation of a weak empire into even weaker nation-states. More than other conflicts escalating into collective violence during the demise of the USSR, Nagorno-Karabakh had connotations of civil and interstate war, heavily involved official central and local Soviet institutions and led to the creation of new local institutions. The Nagorno

in Potentials of disorder
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

the idea of cosmopolitanism left out this essential middle link (i.e. the nation). 85 As in the case of Herder, he regarded all European nations as equal, each with its own mission in the world. He was basically a democratic patriot and not a nationalist, and sincerely believed that independent democratic nations (states corresponding to a nation) would be peaceful in their relations. Thus Mazzini can be seen as an advocate of ‘democratic peace’ on a

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century