As a technology able to picture and embody the temporality of the past, cinema has become central to the mediation of memory in modern cultural life. The memory of film scenes and movies screens, cinema and cinema-going, has become integral to the placement and location of film within the cultural imagination of this century and the last. This book is a sustained, interdisciplinary perspective on memory and film from early cinema to the present. The first section examines the relationship between official and popular history and the constitution of memory narratives in and around the production and consumption of American cinema. The second section examines the politics of memory in a series of chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of national conflict in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. The book explores the articulation of Vietnam. The final section concentrates on the issue of mediation; it explores how technological and semiotic shifts in the cultural terrain have influenced the coding and experience of memory in contemporary cinema. It considers both the presence of music and colour in nostalgia films of the 1990s and the impact of digital and video technologies on the representational determinants of mediated memory. The book also examines the stakes of cultural remembering in the United States and the means by which memory has been figured through Hollywood cinema.
Sarah Orne Jewett, The Tory Lover, and Walter Scott, Waverley
’s attempt to look fully at all sides of the conﬂict (that is,
nationalconﬂict acted out locally) produces some uncontrolled confusion and contradiction speciﬁcally in this area. It is here that Scott ceases
to be an enabling inﬂuence; apparent similarities in social structure in the
ﬁctional worlds of Scott and Jewett mask essential diﬀerences and
Historically, society in America at the time of the Revolution had a
hierarchical structure, evolved from English models in which deference
was paid to its most powerful families. This is recorded mostly without
consideration for Jewish achievements there’. 54 The result was that a small nationalconflict in the
Middle East, which bore a disturbing resemblance to that of small nations in
Europe in the interwar period, was magnified and distorted in terms of
‘sinister behind-the-scenes conspiracy’. Arabs saw themselves
confronted by the forces of imperialism, Jews saw themselves confronted by two
thousand years of antisemitic history; both treated their
young Biafra, of brave, loyal soldiers and dutiful girls united in a hopeless and yet ennobling national struggle.
Moreover, through her heroic act Gladys reasserts the integrity she appeared to
have lost, but does so by becoming once again unambiguously feminine. Her
death ﬁxes her in the time-honoured attitude for women of self-sacriﬁce.
Indeed, across the course of the short story Gladys carries both the positive
and the negative connotations of women’s action in service of the postcolonial
nation-in-formation – of nationalconﬂict as glorious, for a brief time
/memory, Part II examines the politics of memory in a series of
chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of nationalconflict
in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race
relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in
the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. These sites have
generated hard fought battles of memory within American historical and
Warfare, politics and religion after the Habsburg Empire in the Julian March, 1930s– 1970s
momentous historical events. Institutions and political
movements, in these examples, intervened heavily in the treatment
of the corpses and ascribed various symbolic meanings to them.
However, the foibe victims of 1943 could not escape collaborationist propaganda, in a climate where not only the enemy, but also the
victims were generally dehumanised.
The remains of the victims of the Risiera di San Sabba concentration camp were caught in the nationalconflict between Italians and
Slovenians over the fate of the region. As the crossroads of diverse
Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper and Hani Zubida
, managing the ethno-nationalconflict, and client politics in Israel’, in Sarah S. Willen (ed.), Transnational Migration to
Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, MA: Lexington Books, pp. 31–50.
Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge. Cambridge:
Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1994) ‘The crucible within: ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants’, International Migration Review,
Sa’ar, Relly (2006) ‘Prime Minister vowed to help foreign workers’ kids, but the State wants
historical enemies, Armenian national consciousness – and their nationalconflict with the Turks – dates only to the 1890–1915 period, when the
Armenian national ‘awakening’ led to several rounds of ethnic violence
between Armenians and Turks (including Azerbaijani Turks), culminating
in the 1915 genocide.15
Such hostile myths are, however, more common than ethnic violence. If
severe violence is to occur, hostile ethnic myths must be activated by some
threat that leads members of at least one group to fear ethnic extinction.
Thus the problem that set Yugoslavia
‘policy dialogues’ (Bangura, 1997:8–17).
Three are relevant, listed from the most to least hegemonic:
• Technocracy, especially the neo-liberal economic model,
which vests authority in government technocrats and international finance experts who reduce deficits and inflation,
open markets, and promote competition and efficiency.
• Corporatism, the ‘historic class compromise’ which manages nationalconflict through bringing organized interests into policy making.
• Global sustainable pluralism, inspired by UNDP HDR
thinking about development as equitable, gender balanced
nationalism as distinct from Russian nationalism. With the weakening of
totalitarian controls under Gorbachev the suppressed nationalisms within the
USSR helped break it up into nation-states. This process of disintegration
has not ended there. Nationalconflicts have exploded in Georgia, Armenia
and the Chechnya region of Russia. Nationalist tensions were already present
in the new nations of the post-Soviet states, where large Russian minorities