This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
Johnson Sirleaf declared a nationalstate of emergency and mandated a
controversial and widely disliked policy of mandatory cremation for all persons
who had died from Ebola Virus Disease (EVD), as well as mandatory lockdowns and
the notorious militarised quarantine of the West Point area, one of
Monrovia’s most densely populated slums.
Another part of the Monrovia, Montserrado County’s sixth electoral
district, called District 6, one of the most
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
There was yet another unintended consequence. Quetelet needed the help
of the nationalstate to meet his goal of universal standardisation. For their
part, states were devoting all their administrative energy to building the nation:
railways, schools, social legislation and statistics contributed to the internal ‘unification’ of the European nation-states. Paradoxically, Quetelet’s goal
became less and less achievable as the nationalstate assumed greater control
over statistics. The evolution of national statistics was driven forward by a
barrage of incentives – a
federalism, it is argued, is impossible without
democracy, but in Russia’s multi-nationalstate, democracy is impossible
As the Russian proverb states ‘the fish rots from the head down’. In a
bid to bring in regional votes and to ensure tax returns and ethnic
quiescence, Yeltsin often turned a blind eye to the development of authoritarian regimes in the regions. Likewise, Putin’s reforms of the federal
system have made a mockery of both federalism and democracy. The
constitutional powers of the regions have been usurped by seven
simple switch from medical charity to private healthcare – a
reformulation rather than a rejection of philanthropy.
The voluntary hospitals underwent a great many changes during
the interwar years. Those in the medical technology they employed were matched by
changing dynamics in relations with the local and nationalstate, while new styles
of fundraising fostered a more democratic relationship with the local community. 7 As far the terms
Most contemporary Croatian politicians and intellectuals agree that Croatian
national identity was shaped by the history of the Croats and in particular the
tradition of statehood that Croatia ostensibly enjoyed, albeit in many guises.
Although most commentators do not go as far as Franjo Tuœman and suggest
that Croats shared a ‘centuries-old dream’ to have their own nationalstate,
there is widespread agreement that people became Croats primarily through a
shared history and occupancy of a common state.
The book goes on to address the question of how Croatian
. The best that could be hoped for was a peaceful federation of states.
A modern Kantian ethical cosmopolitan, such as O’Neill, acknowledges
that nationality and other forms of community have an importance, and
securing a nationalstate may be instrumental in achieving justice for some,
as for example looks to be the case with the Kurds. Yet the achievement of a
nationalstate may be just as likely to be the instrument of injustice to
Contesting the meaning of the 2015 refugee crisis in Sweden
Swedish Migration Agency Executive Officer and a
local civil servant in the southeast of Sweden. The report, published in 2017,
is entitled ‘Att ta emot människor på flykt: Sverige hösten 2015’ (‘Receiving
Refugees: Sweden during the Fall of 2015’ – hereafter ‘Receiving Refugees’),
and is the final product of a Swedish government commission formed in
2016. The government directed the commission to describe the sequence of
events that comprise the refugee crisis on the one hand, and to map how
the national government, nationalstate agencies, counties, municipalities
rights granted to the ethnic republics far outweighing those given
to the territorially based regions.23 For some scholars the treaty was a necessary compromise to save the Union whilst others argue that it fundamentally weakened federalism in Russia by constitutionally sanctioning
an asymmetrical federal state with three types of legal subject, each possessing different rights and powers; national–state formations (sovereign
republics); administrative–territorial formations (krais, oblasts, and the
cities of Mocow and St Petersburg); and national