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As a technology able to picture and embody the temporality of the past, cinema has become central to the mediation of memory in modern cultural life. The memory of film scenes and movies screens, cinema and cinema-going, has become integral to the placement and location of film within the cultural imagination of this century and the last. This book is a sustained, interdisciplinary perspective on memory and film from early cinema to the present. The first section examines the relationship between official and popular history and the constitution of memory narratives in and around the production and consumption of American cinema. The second section examines the politics of memory in a series of chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of national conflict in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. The book explores the articulation of Vietnam. The final section concentrates on the issue of mediation; it explores how technological and semiotic shifts in the cultural terrain have influenced the coding and experience of memory in contemporary cinema. It considers both the presence of music and colour in nostalgia films of the 1990s and the impact of digital and video technologies on the representational determinants of mediated memory. The book also examines the stakes of cultural remembering in the United States and the means by which memory has been figured through Hollywood cinema.

Sarah Orne Jewett, The Tory Lover, and Walter Scott, Waverley
Alison Easton

’s attempt to look fully at all sides of the conflict (that is, national conflict acted out locally) produces some uncontrolled confusion and contradiction specifically in this area. It is here that Scott ceases to be an enabling influence; apparent similarities in social structure in the fictional worlds of Scott and Jewett mask essential differences and difficulties. Historically, society in America at the time of the Revolution had a hierarchical structure, evolved from English models in which deference was paid to its most powerful families. This is recorded mostly without

in Special relationships
Open Access (free)
Elleke Boehmer

young Biafra, of brave, loyal soldiers and dutiful girls united in a hopeless and yet ennobling national struggle. Moreover, through her heroic act Gladys reasserts the integrity she appeared to have lost, but does so by becoming once again unambiguously feminine. Her death fixes her in the time-honoured attitude for women of self-sacrifice. Indeed, across the course of the short story Gladys carries both the positive and the negative connotations of women’s action in service of the postcolonial nation-in-formation – of national conflict as glorious, for a brief time

in Stories of women
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

nationalism as distinct from Russian nationalism. With the weakening of totalitarian controls under Gorbachev the suppressed nationalisms within the USSR helped break it up into nation-states. This process of disintegration has not ended there. National conflicts have exploded in Georgia, Armenia and the Chechnya region of Russia. Nationalist tensions were already present in the new nations of the post-Soviet states, where large Russian minorities

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine
Philip Spencer

Palestine without consideration for Jewish achievements there’. 54 The result was that a small national conflict in the Middle East, which bore a disturbing resemblance to that of small nations in Europe in the interwar period, was magnified and distorted in terms of ‘sinister behind-the-scenes conspiracy’. Arabs saw themselves confronted by the forces of imperialism, Jews saw themselves confronted by two thousand years of antisemitic history; both treated their

in Antisemitism and the left
Rodney Barker

artefacts, the more difficult is swift change or new construction. Cockades and shirts can be changed – statues, monuments, and buildings are rather less malleable; destruction is easier and swifter as an assertion of dominance by conquerors, colonists, or new regimes. Just as buildings can convey messages, so can their demolition and the depiction of their destruction be a means of destroying one identity and asserting another. Robert Bevan's account of the demolition of buildings in sectarian and national conflicts is appropriately named The Destruction of Memory. The

in Cultivating political and public identity
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Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper
Hani Zubida

, managing the ethno-national conflict, and client politics in Israel’, in Sarah S. Willen (ed.), Transnational Migration to Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, MA: Lexington Books, pp. 31–50. Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge. Cambridge: Polity. Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1994) ‘The crucible within: ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants’, International Migration Review, 28(4): 748–794. Sa’ar, Relly (2006) ‘Prime Minister vowed to help foreign workers’ kids, but the State wants

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Warfare, politics and religion after the Habsburg Empire in the Julian March, 1930s– 1970s
Gaetano Dato

momentous historical events. Institutions and political movements, in these examples, intervened heavily in the treatment of the corpses and ascribed various symbolic meanings to them. However, the foibe victims of 1943 could not escape collaborationist propaganda, in a climate where not only the enemy, but also the victims were generally dehumanised. The remains of the victims of the Risiera di San Sabba concentration camp were caught in the national conflict between Italians and Slovenians over the fate of the region. As the crossroads of diverse political, religious

in Human remains in society
Stuart Kaufman

as historical enemies, Armenian national consciousness – and their national conflict with the Turks – dates only to the 1890–1915 period, when the Armenian national ‘awakening’ led to several rounds of ethnic violence between Armenians and Turks (including Azerbaijani Turks), culminating in the 1915 genocide.15 Such hostile myths are, however, more common than ethnic violence. If severe violence is to occur, hostile ethnic myths must be activated by some threat that leads members of at least one group to fear ethnic extinction. Thus the problem that set Yugoslavia

in Limiting institutions?
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Conceptual links to institutional machineries
Kathleen Staudt

‘policy dialogues’ (Bangura, 1997:8–17). Three are relevant, listed from the most to least hegemonic: • Technocracy, especially the neo-liberal economic model, which vests authority in government technocrats and international finance experts who reduce deficits and inflation, open markets, and promote competition and efficiency. • Corporatism, the ‘historic class compromise’ which manages national conflict through bringing organized interests into policy making. • Global sustainable pluralism, inspired by UNDP HDR thinking about development as equitable, gender balanced

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?