The assertion of royal authority
Author: John J. Hurt

This study examines the political and economic relationship between Louis XIV and the parlements of France, the parlement of Paris and all the provincial tribunals. It explains how the king managed to overcome the century-old opposition of the parlements to new legislation, and to impose upon them the strict political discipline for which his reign is known. The work calls into question the current revisionist understanding of the reign of Louis XIV and insists that, after all, absolute government had a harsh reality at its core. When the king died in 1715, the regent, Philippe d'Orleans, after a brief attempt to befriend the parlements through compromise, resorted to the authoritarian methods of Louis XIV and perpetuated the Sun King's political and economic legacy.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Philip Lynch

‘would allow countries not to participate in new legislative actions at a European level which they felt they wished to handle at national level’.14 Little detail was given as to how this provision might be arrived at or how it would work in practice. Shadow Foreign Secretary John Maples claimed it would neither block those countries that wanted to go ahead with new legislation, nor affect existing legislation.15 But the Tories also sought to repatriate policies, opposed many commitments entered into by the Blair government and demanded the renegotiation of the Nice

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Sovereignty and registration of the laws
John J. Hurt

frequently, affirmed their steadfast belief in the king’s full legislative sovereignty. But as framers of the American constitution would one day discover, things grew more complicated when political theory gave way to the actual making of laws.2 The kings issued laws and sent them to their parlements to be registered, in order to bring the new legislation to public attention and to make it enforceable within the parlements’ jurisdictions. Reduced to its essentials, registration meant that the parlements ‘published’ the laws by reading them aloud in open 1 Louis XIV and the

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Crafting authoritarian regimes in Russia’s regions and republics
Cameron Ross

Republic’s Constitution, which stipulated that a person may be elected Republic President for only two fiveyear terms in a row. The parliament also removed the age limit for presidents which had been set at 65 years. This allowed President Shaimiev to run for a third term in March 2001 which he won easily with 80 per cent of the vote (this time the election was competitive, with four other contenders). More recently new legislation promoted by President Putin has sanctioned the further infringements of such tenure rules. Thus, on January 25, 2001 the State Duma (with

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
John J. Hurt

1 Compulsory registration and its limits, 1665–1671 Every student of French history knows that Louis XIV deprived the parlements of their most important power and function – that of opposing new legislation, especially fiscal legislation, when it first appeared before them. Given the tendency of the parlements to obstruct new legislation, frequently under Henry IV and Louis XII and periodically under Louis XV and Louis XVI, the reign of Louis XIV stands in sharp contrast in this regard. Curiously, however, even the most recent studies offer little in the way of

in Louis XIV and the parlements
John J. Hurt

. The new legislation probably arrived in Aix in late August, but the Parlement postponed discussion of it until October or November. The judges then declined to register the declaration for the heredity of judicial officials and restricted the franc-fief levy to only one year of income. The council had not yet issued its harsh decree of 8 October on the consignation and the contrôle, so the tribunal felt free to adopt much the same attitude towards the new edicts as it had towards the earlier ones.37 Bordeaux and Toulouse appear to have registered the heredity

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Ross M. English

that question by considering some of the challenges faced by the modern Congress. Gridlock The term gridlock became popular in the 1980s. Originally used to describe standstill in New York City traffic jams, it was soon adopted by political journalists to refer to an inability by Congress and/or the President to enact new legislation, even if there was seemingly a majority in favour of action. The reasons for gridlock occurring in the political system are plentiful. The Founding Fathers must take their fair share of the blame (or credit, depending on your view). The

in The United States Congress
Neil Macmaster

Burning the veil the standard legal reference in Algerian courts (Code Morand of 1916), various laws relating mainly to Kabylia (2 April and 2 May 1930, 19 May 1931), the recent Tunisian Code (1956) and Moroccan Code (1957), and the French Civil Code.46 For our purposes we can move past the dazzling and sometimes esoteric refinements of the debate that took place between the Muslim jurists (cadis), European judges and professors of law that drafted the new legislation,47 and move straight to the very concise and lucid text of the Ordinance of 4 February 1959.48 The

in Burning the veil