The newly digitised Manchester Observer (1818–22) was England’s leading radical newspaper at the time of the Peterloo meeting of August 1819, in which it played a central role. For a time it enjoyed the highest circulation of any provincial newspaper, holding a position comparable to that of the Chartist Northern Star twenty years later and pioneering dual publication in Manchester and London. Its columns provide insights into Manchester’s notoriously secretive local government and policing and into the labour and radical movements of its turbulent times. Rich materials in the Home Office papers in the National Archives reveal much about the relationship between radicals in London and in the provinces, and show how local magistrates conspired with government to hound the radical press in the north as prosecutions in London ran into trouble. This article also sheds new light on the founding of the Manchester Guardian, which endured as the Observer’s successor more by avoiding its disasters than by following its example. Despite the imprisonment of four of its main editors and proprietors the Manchester Observer battled on for five years before sinking in calmer water for lack of news.
This is the first English-language publication of an interview with James Baldwin conducted by the German writer, editor, and journalist Fritz J. Raddatz in 1978 at Baldwin’s house in St. Paul-de-Vence. In the same year, it was published in German in the weekly newspaper Die Zeit, as well as in a book of Raddatz’s conversations with international writers, and—in Italian translation—in the newspaper La Repubblica. The interview covers various topics characteristic of Baldwin’s interests at the time—among them his thoughts about Jimmy Carter’s presidency, his reasons for planning to return to the United States, his disillusionment after the series of murders of black civil rights activists in the 1960s and 1970s, and the role of love and sexuality in his literary writings. A special emphasis lies on the discussion of possible parallels between Nazi Germany and U.S. racism, with Baldwin most prominently likening the whole city of New York to a concentration camp. Due to copyright reasons, this reprint is based on an English translation of the edited version published in German. A one-hour tape recording of the original English conversation between Raddatz and Baldwin is accessible at the German literary archive in Marbach.
When James Baldwin in No Name in the Street discusses the case of Tony Maynard, who had been imprisoned in Hamburg in 1967, he emphasizes that his efforts to aid his unjustly imprisoned friend were greatly supported by his German publishing house Rowohlt and, in particular, by his then-editor Fritz Raddatz (1931–2015). While the passages on Maynard remain the only instance in Baldwin’s published writings in which Raddatz—praised as a courageous “anti-Nazi German” and a kindred ally who “knows what it means to be beaten in prison”—is mentioned directly, the relation between Baldwin and Raddatz has left traces that cover over fifty years. The African-American writer and Rowohlt’s chief editor got to know each other around 1963, when Baldwin was first published in Germany. They exchanged letters between 1965 and 1984, and many of Raddatz’s critical writings from different periods—the first piece from 1965, the last from 2014—focus of Baldwin’s books. They also collaborated on various projects—among them a long interview and Baldwin’s review of Roots—which were all published in the German weekly newspaper Die Zeit, where Raddatz served as head of the literary and arts sections from 1977 to 1985. Drawing on published and unpublished writings of both men, this article provides a discussion of the most significant facets of this under-explored relationship and its literary achievements. Thereby, it sheds new light on two central questions of recent Baldwin scholarship: first, the circumstances of production and formation crucial to Baldwin’s writings of the 1970s and 1980s, and secondly, Baldwin’s international activities, his transcultural reception and influence.
the agenda of a source ( Hayden, 2018 : 15). NGOs are not passive bystanders in this (dis)information landscape. They too engage in strategic information campaigns and can mislead audiences with their content. A prominent example in the 2000s was the Save Darfur Coalition, which used inflated mortality statistics to raise awareness of the conflict in Darfur. These exaggerated claims were reproduced by many news outlets in their reports of the conflict. The group also took out full-page newspaper adverts alleging that Sudanese President, Omar
were two kinds of relief group: those who professed neutrality and the very few who did not. The most prominent among the latter was Norwegian People’s Aid, which used to run newspaper adverts stating that it wasn’t neutral like MSF and others, but that it supported the rebels. It is understandable that mainline humanitarian groups working with migrants don’t want to be so unequivocal. But sooner or later they will have to be, and not just on the personal blogs of individual aid workers. Humanitarianism has weathered many crises, and perhaps it
branch of Save the Children) in the Red Cross Review was paradigmatic of the new interest in illustrations: The propaganda of the Save the Children Fund is carried out with energy and wisdom by the Executive Committee [in London] and its regional committees. The pictures featured in this article show that the Save the Children Fund did not hesitate to insert as advertisements in the biggest English newspapers its heartbreaking appeals, written and illustrated in the most vivid way. In all newspapers of the capital and the province, articles draw attention on the
of power over the making and dissemination of images, the ethical principles involved in their visual practice and, finally, the concerns they share with historians. Apprenticeships and Career Trajectories among Visual Media Specialists in Canadian NGOs The course of the careers of all five publicists is marked by the history of the technical and institutional transformations of the media industry, from the decrease in size and number of newspapers, magazines, and news agencies, to the multiplication of online platforms, the deregulation of news outlets
as a potential policy in the 2019 election, before being enacted by Boris Johnson in June 2020 ( Riley, 2017 , 2019 ). Further to the right, UKIP has frequently campaigned on removing the aid budget altogether ( Riley, 2015 ). Meanwhile, right-wing UK newspapers, notably the Daily Mail , but also the Daily Telegraph and the Sun among others, share an editorial line that is sceptical of both government aid spending and INGO fundraising and spending ( vanHeerde-Hudson, 2014 ; Scott
: 162–9). The conflicts in eastern DRC have been covered by both grands reporters and by regional specialists (heading the ‘Africa’ section of the daily newspapers, or correspondents and freelancers based in Goma, Kinshasa, Kigali or Nairobi). However, very few of the conflicts have been covered by French defence specialists, in part due to the recent lack of French military involvement in the DRC. 9 So I am talking primarily about regional
Lockerbie, 4 but having looked at the proofs I censored it myself – perhaps to the irritation of the editor – as I believed the relatives had suffered enough. It was a balance between showing the horror and reality of what had happened and not sanitising the acts of the murderer and the suffering of those left to grieve. I read newspaper accounts of what was already in the public domain and therefore could have been read by the relatives, and kept it within those parameters. I could have gone much further but chose not to. GO: Yes. Quite a lot in fact. As the saying