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Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Contrary to international law, international political theory and political philosophy paid scant attention to the ethics of intervention in the long nineteenth century. 1 As for humanitarian intervention per se, there is nothing, apart from cursory remarks by John Stuart Mill and Giuseppe Mazzini. On the wider question of intervention and non-intervention we will refer to their views and to those of Kant, Hegel and Cobden. Based on today’s distinction

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Setting the precedent

This book is an attempt at a comprehensive presentation of the history of humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century, the heyday of this controversial doctrine. It starts with a brief presentation of the present situation and debate. The theoretical first part of the book starts with the genealogy of the idea, namely the quest for the progenitors of the idea in the sixteenth and seventeenth century which is a matter of controversy. Next the nineteenth century ‘civilization-barbarity’ dichotomy is covered and its bearing on humanitarian intervention, with its concomitant Eurocentric/Orientalist gaze towards the Ottomans and other states, concluding with the reaction of the Ottomans (as well as the Chinese and Japanese). Then the pivotal international law dimension is scrutinized, with the arguments of advocates and opponents of humanitarian intervention from the 1830s until the 1930s. The theoretical part of the book concludes with nineteenth century international political theory and intervention (Kant, Hegel, Cobden, Mazzini and especially J.S. Mill). In the practical second part of the book four cases studies of humanitarian intervention are examined in considerable detail: the Greek case (1821-1831), the Lebanon/Syria case (1860-61), the Balkan crisis and Bulgarian case (1875-78) in two chapters, and the U.S. intervention in Cuba (1895-98). Each cases study concludes with its bearing on the evolution of international norms and rules of conduct in instances of humanitarian plights. The concluding chapter identifies the main characteristics of intervention on humanitarian grounds during this period and today’s criticism and counter-criticism.

Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa

non-intervention, and came to see that the (post)colonial run-up to genocide was a story of too much intervention, even in the name of democracy. During my doctoral research, I rediscovered the case of Somaliland. A self-declared independent republic in the north-western corner of Somalia, Somaliland had declined US and UN interventions at the beginning of the 1990s, apart from specific assistance (the clean-up of landmines, for example). Instead, it took care of its peace-building process internally and with its diaspora. Over the years, even

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

notably the New Labour government in Britain, with its ‘ethical foreign policy’, articulated by Foreign Secretary Robin Cook. What differentiated the Workers’ Party approach from the New Labour approach? CA: I am sure it is easier for someone on the outside to judge that than for me to do so. But why did I often talk about ‘non-indifference’? It wasn’t a qualification. It was a complement to ‘non-intervention’. In other words, where are the limits? I never thought to ‘bomb them into democracy’, first of all because we didn’t have the bombs. But I

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Just war and against tyranny
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

ethical-religious rather than juridical basis of action; (2) the absence of the vital non-intervention principle; (3) that its advocates had an axe to grind (to save Protestants from religious persecution); and (4) that it amounted to ‘cloaked imperialism’, in that humanitarian reasons functioned as a justification for the conquest of those labelled ‘infidels’, ‘barbarians’ or ‘aborigines’. According to Antoine Rougier, prior to the nineteenth century the

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

humanitarian purposes in certain exceptional cases, thereby bypassing the cardinal norm of non-intervention (see table 4.1 ). According to Wilhelm Grewe’s assessment, in the nineteenth century ‘the principle of humanitarian intervention increasingly absorbed all other grounds of intervention (with the exception of contractual permission and self-help)’. 12 This tendency in law and practice is striking, for, prior to the UN Charter and the international law of

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s many commentators and critics. Key features of the debates over NATO’s employment of military power have been concerned with its legality and legitimacy (i.e. the role of the UN and international law), its ethical basis and its impact on the doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of states. The conceptual debates that have raged over these issues are important not only within the context of European security but

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

focus now being on humanitarian intervention, which is even more contentious. 5 But two things are clear. Intervention meant then – and today 6 – ‘coercive’, ‘dictatorial interference by a State in the [internal or external] affairs of another State for the purpose of maintaining or altering the actual conditions of things’. 7 Moreover, non-intervention was – and is – the rule, intervention the exception. 8 It is often

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Rhiannon Vickers

army coup to topple it; the result was a bitter and all-out civil war, which continued until the defeat of the Popular Front government in 1939. The British government, along with the major European states and America, signed a non-intervention agreement, which included an arms embargo, for fear that the conflict might spread across Europe. Despite the non-intervention pact, the right-wing nationalist rebels received considerable support from the fascist regimes of Germany and Italy in the form of weapons and men. At least 40,000 Italian troops and up to 15

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1