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A centuries-old dream?

This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.

programme, or – as in the case of the dissident intellectuals – to challenge such accounts. However, they all attempted to give resonance to abstract ideas in the contemporary context. After a discussion of the so-called ‘Franjoist’ narrative offered by President Franjo Tuœman and his party, I will discuss alternative conceptions of identity that were articulated by opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and the Croatian diaspora. I argue that each of these ‘political entrepreneurs’ drew upon, and offered interpretations of, the historical statehood thesis in order

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)

. The semi-presidential system became popular in Eastern Europe after the collapse of communism, for example, in Russia, where the president has become even more dominating than in France. Most democracies are parliamentary systems, of which there are many different models. The British “Westminster” model is characterized by a single-party government that is led by a strong prime minister as head of government who is supported by a disciplined party that has majority control of parliament. The role of the opposition party or parties is to offer alternatives, criticize

in The Länder and German federalism

results as it had in 2007 and that important (constitutional) decisions would have to be taken in coalition. 13 If the spotlight lit up UR’s losses, though, it is important to note the other side of this coin – all of the parliamentary opposition parties, known as the ‘systemic opposition’, gained. 14 Although there was no substantial shift in power, there was a shift in

in The new politics of Russia
The disposal of bodies in the 1994 Rwandan genocide

in November. In early 1991, the FAR murdered 1,000 Tutsi.27 Following a new constitution (June 1991) opposition parties (demanding negoti­ations with the RPF) emerged, including the Mouvement Démocratique Républicain (MDR) and the multi-ethnic Parti Liberal (PL).28 In March 1993, 300 Tutsi were killed by the Presi­ dential Guard and intera­hamwe militia (see below) after the state radio (Radio Rwanda) claimed that the PL and RPF planned to assassinate opposition leaders.29 The opposition parties, however, remained united and forced Habyarimana to form a coalition

in Human remains and mass violence
Open Access (free)

of a minority SPD government with the Greens tolerated by the PDS, which had indicated its willingness to play such a role. A coalition government with Höppner as prime minister was formed, and the CDU became the opposition party with Christoph Bergner as party group leader.88 The state election in April 1998 took place under unusual circumstances in that for the first time since the war a government was up for reelection that had not had a majority throughout the legislative term but had depended, instead, on the toleration of the PDS. This had become known as the

in The Länder and German federalism
Open Access (free)
Domestic change through European integration

and 1992 against membership), and two opposition parties strongly arguing against accession, the task for the government to convince the population was not 2444Ch14 3/12/02 Austria 2:05 pm Page 339 339 small.12 Moreover, membership in the EEA, which was achieved on 1 January 1994, was not regarded as a suitable substitute for full membership of the Union – it was merely taken as a tiresome but necessary prerequisite, also providing the government with arguments in favour of accession. Taking over two-thirds of the acquis communautaire without participation in

in Fifteen into one?
From disaster to devolution and beyond

of political support and a reduced status in that Parliament as the Scottish National Party (SNP) were the main opposition party. Adjusting to this new environment was a major task for the Scottish party. The combined impact of the 1997 general election wipeout and the onset of devolution brought three fundamental challenges for the Scottish Tories. First, the party had to adjust to devolution within Scotland in terms of party organisation, policy, autonomy and campaigning. It was required to act as an autonomous entity in the Scottish Parliament and gain

in The Conservatives in Crisis
continuity, innovation and renewal

leadership of Felipe González, the party was able to establish itself as the chief opposition party at general elections in 1977 and 1979. The party then went on to win four consecutive general elections in 1982, 1986, 1989 and 1993 (the first three with an overall majority) and was only narrowly beaten at the 1996 general election. Experiencing its worst general election result in two decades four years later, the PSOE was nevertheless able to return to office at the 2004 general election under the leadership of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The party repeated its victory

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
The emergence of the British Labour Party

the Labour Party was created out of the trade union movement to represent interests external to those of the parliamentary elite, and hence was an externally created, oppositional party.50 This oppositional nature of the Labour Party meant that the party’s foreign policy, unlike that of the Conservative Party, had for extensive periods in the twentieth century developed more as a response to the internal dynamics of the party, rather than as a response to actualities of the international situation. The advantage of being in opposition was that the party had more

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1