Anne Marie Losonczy

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Corruption breeds violence
Pavel K. Baev

); and the consolidation of power in the hands of Shevardnadze (October 1992–November 1995). While it is only the second phase that qualifies as a civil war, the paramilitary organisations created in the middle of the first phase continued to play a role up to the end of the third phase, as well as figuring prominently in two other Georgian wars (see Nodia 1996; Zverev 1996; Ozhiganov 1997). At the starting point of the Georgian ‘time of troubles’, in early April 1989, there were demonstrations in Tbilisi, perhaps 15,000 strong but without any semblance of organisation

in Potentials of disorder
Kristóf Gosztonyi

Boban also became the president of the HDZ BiH and begin the cleansing of the party of liberal, pro-Bosnian elements. This coup thus marked a change in Bosnian–Croat policies concerning their Bosniak allies. Another significant event in this respect was the assassination of Bla Kraljevic, the leader of the paramilitary organisation the HOS (Hrvatske ombrambene snage – Croatian Defence Forces). He was killed in the summer of 1992 near Mostar and his organisation was disbanded following this. What was remarkable about the murder is that Kraljevic and the HOS, a military

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Northern Irish fiction after the Troubles
Neal Alexander

Lost Lives includes entries for 195 Troubles-related deaths in the period after the IRA ceasefire announced on 31 August 1994.1 Moreover, the very real social and political gains that have followed on from the republican and loyalist ceasefires, the Agreement, and IRA decommissioning have to be set against the now regular disputes over Orange marches, continuing paramilitary activity – punishment beatings, feuds, blackmarketeering, gangsterism – and the repeated suspensions of Northern Ireland’s devolved Assembly. Responding to the latter events, the novelist Glenn

in Irish literature since 1990
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

– was attacked by Loyalists in Londonderry. The Royal Ulster Constabulary restored order, but at the expense of some violence, which antagonised the civil rights campaigners. During 1968 and 1969 there were growing outbursts of conflict between Loyalists and Republicans. Extra British troops were drafted into Belfast to keep the peace. From then on, the British army presence in Northern Ireland steadily grew. The year 1971 proved to be a critical one. A bomb, planted by the Protestant paramilitary organisation – the Ulster Volunteer Force – killed fifteen Catholics in

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present
Pete Shirlow

politics’ is potentially troublesome. Given the recent actions of loyalist paramilitaries and rejectionist unionists, it is evident that they interpret political change as favouring the cultural, political, economic and social ascendancy of the Catholic population. Unlike the Ulster Unionists, who argue that there is no guarantee that demographic shifts will bring about unification, other unionists argue that the unionist community is being sold out because of the desire within official circles to ‘appease’ the republican cause. This ‘appeasement’ of republicanism is

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
black magic and bogeymen in Northern Ireland, 1973–74
Richard Jenkins

’ press, are the, typically Loyalist, paramilitary news-sheets and publications. 13 Finally, there are consistent motifs and themes in the press coverage: the Brian McDermott murder, 14 animal sacrifice, typically involving cats, dogs, sheep and goats, 15 the threat of child abduction (particularly of a blonde, blue-eyed girl), 16 the problem of young people and others experimenting with the occult, 17 and the spoiling

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

? Paramilitary organisations in Northern Ireland have had an enormous influence on the politics of the Province over the last three decades, arguably more so than democratic political parties. Some, such as Sinn Fein/PIRA and some Loyalist paramilitary organisations, have adopted a ‘bullet and ballot box’ strategy that has paid considerable political dividends in recent years. Both Loyalist and Republican paramilitary organisations

in Understanding political ideas and movements