This book is an ethnographic study of the internal dynamics of a subcultural community that defines itself as a social movement. While the majority of scholarly studies on this movement focus on its official face, on its front stage, this book concerns itself with the ideological and practical paradoxes at work within the micro-social dynamics of the backstage, an area that has so far been neglected in social movement studies. The central question is how hierarchy and authority function in a social movement subculture that disavows such concepts. The squatters’ movement, which defines itself primarily as anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian, is profoundly structured by the unresolved and perpetual contradiction between both public disavowal and simultaneous maintenance of hierarchy and authority within the movement. This study analyzes how this contradiction is then reproduced in different micro-social interactions, examining the methods by which people negotiate minute details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle class norms.
archives, but such a project is
outside the limits of an ethnography of a movement between
2005–08 based on interviews and participantobservation. This
historical background intends to demonstrate a lineage for the
activities that comprise the internal movement culture as well as
display the repetition and circularity of this movement over the past
forty years. In addition, this background serves to contextualize the
interactions between squatters and the front stage of the media, the
state, and the press and
film-making did not involve academic anthropologists in a direct or active way in the production itself, nor was it necessarily based on prior academic research. However, its underlying production methods were similar to the field research methods typically employed by academic ethnographers in the sense that they were based on a prolonged period of participant-observation by the film-makers of a relatively small group of people or of a specific social institution, often over several months or even years, and they could also involve, even if only implicitly, some
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
corruption is seen as one of the biggest obstacles
to conflict resolution and access to justice, people added a simple sentence to the
slogan to change its meaning. The slogan then read: ‘the doors of the prison are
big, to take all the big thieves out’.15 The expression was a critique of the lack of
justice, in particular of the impunity of those who commit the major crimes
(UPDI Representative 2010; ParticipantObservation III 2009). This slogan was
reflected in many forms and shapes in Bukavu, and in other cities and territories.
A Group Jeremie representative
the most important defining feature of this genre of film-making.
Although there is a range of different takes on what exactly constitutes the ‘ethnographic method’, central to most definitions is what is known as ‘participant-observation’ (though this term was not actually used by Malinowksi himself). In practical terms, ‘participant-observation’ is usually taken to imply total immersion in the daily life of a particular human social group over a prolonged period of time. It typically requires interaction not just with the great and the good
; ParticipantObservation XII 2010; UN
Population Fund 2011: 68). Funding comes from a combination of remnants
of government health service, INGOs and foreign government aid funding.
Figure 6.6 Maternity hospital, Mabuku, photographed 1 August 2010
Creative survival as subversion
Patients are asked to pay for the services and ‘if someone does not have money,
they can bring a goat so that it can be eaten by those working on the construction site’ (Ngoma and Luzolo 2010). The same applies to staff salaries and the
provision of medicines. The South Kivu provincial
Young Palestinian men encountering a Swedish introductory programme for refugees
introductory programme for refugees in a city in southern Sweden during
2014–2015. The Swedish Public Employment Service (SPES, Arbetsförmedlingen) coordinates the introductory programme; my fieldwork
included participantobservation, qualitative interviews and informal conversations with staff at a local branch of the authority, and with refugees
enrolled at the programme. I also attended information meetings for new
refugees and held meetings about preliminary findings with personnel to
get additional perspectives from a wider range of staff.
In this chapter, I concentrate
, it also extended the category of deportable
populations to a degree where integration from both a policy perspective
and from the perspective of the refugees becomes pointless, as the refugee
is, with the recent policy change, always at risk of being forced to leave the
country. The paradigmatic shift in this way becomes an example of bureaucratic violence legitimised through the refugee crisis (see also the Introduction of this volume).
The method used in this chapter is based on a mix of participantobservation, informal interviews, desk research, and textual
A conceptual framework for considering mapping projects as they change
consumption, performance and negotiation associated with maps or mapping
projects. In practical terms, a variety of methods are used to examine mapping
processes. Kitchin, Gleeson and Dodge (2013) employ an insider ethnography
to relate the dynamic process of data collection and map making/use/re-use/
re-authoring, akin to a diary or narrative journal of the life of their map(s).
Through interviews and participantobservation, Del Casino and Hanna (2006)
used performative and ethnographic methods to explore their ‘map spaces’.
Chris Perkins writes too that performative