This book provides a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the five main parties of the extreme right in the Netherlands (Centrumdemocraten, Centrumpartij), Belgium (Vlaams Blok), and Germany (Die Republikaner, Deutsche Volksunion). Using primary research — including internal party documents — it concludes that rather than right-wing and extremist, the core ideology of these parties is xenophobic nationalist, including also a mix of law and order and welfare chauvinism. The author's research and conclusions have broader implications for the study of the extreme-right phenomenon and party ideology in general.
chap1 28/5/02 13.30 Page 1 1 The extreme right party family Studies of political parties have been based on a multiplicity of both scholarly and political theories, and have focused on a variety of internal and external aspects. As is common within the scientific community, complaints have been voiced about the lack of knowledge in particular areas of the field, such as party (as) organisations (Mair 1994), party ideology (Von Beyme 1985), and minor or small parties (Fischer 1980; Müller-Rommel 1991). However, even though a lot of work certainly remains to
traditional bipolar format of French politics. It will then move on to analyse the historical and political factors underlying the split, the electoral performances of the two parties that emerged from this critical breakdown and the key features of party ideology within the extreme, right pole. Third, it will address the electoral prospects of the FN and MNR in the light of their results in the presidential and legislative elections of spring 2002. Extreme-right politics and party system change in the mid-1990s A glance at the results of elections over the past fifteen
prisoners of war in short trials in the Soviet Union in 1949/50 (!)’ (REP 1990: 12). The underlying sentiment seems to be personal rather than political and can best be summarised as: ‘Our fathers were no criminals’ (Rep 7/91). Conclusion The REP originated as a conservative party, ideologically close to its mother party CSU. Its first programme contains a moderate nationalist outlook, allowing room for support of the EC, NATO and Third World countries. Its socio-economic policy entailed full support of the social market economy, combining a fairly open economy with the
This chapter argues that the ideas of duty and responsibility defended by communitarianism were used by New Labour to water down the party's commitment to equality. It begins with a brief explanation of communitarian ideas, and focuses on the works of 'prescriptive communitarians', given that it was these thinkers who had an influence on New Labour's thinking. The chapter deals with the link between ideas on community and socialism. The idea of community was present in Tony Blair's Third Way pamphlet, in which he defended a 'politics of "us" rather than "me"', one that would be based on 'an ethic of responsibility as well as rights'. The chapter is concerned with the narrative on social exclusion-social inclusion, which sheds light on New Labour's approach to poverty and social inequalities. It ends with a discussion of the implications of those deviations for the party's ideology.
ideological programme, it has never developed an ideology (of its own) and has proven very inconsistent in its terminology. Evaluating the analysis Most studies of party ideology use only election programmes as the source of analysis. These programmes have the advantage of being officially endorsed by the party membership or leadership and consequently ‘represent and express the policy collectively adopted by the party’ (Borg 1966: 97). However, this is also the main problem with election programmes: that is, they deal with policy rather than ideology. If this analysis had
Gazetteer, p. 79. Thomas, EHR, 74 (1959), 623–5. Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics, pp. 141–3. The calculation is mine. A contemporary readership estimate of only ten per paper is cited by Barker, Newspapers, Politics and Public Opinion, p. 23. Peters, EHR, 86 (1971), 206–27. Thomas, John Wilkes, pp. 19–26. Walpole, Letters, VII, 369. Even radical journalist John Almon commented in 1770 that the Whisperer was ‘detestable in the highest degree’. London Museum, May 1770, p. 267. Thomas, EHR, 74 (1959), 626–32. Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings and Debates, V, vii
various themes. The newspapers, on the other hand, are extensive in number of issues and pages, yet mainly address a few limited topics. Moreover, they are directed at their own readership of which only a part are (also) members of the DVU. Hence, the content of the party programmes will be at the centre of the description of the party ideology. Nationalism The DVU is first and foremost a nationalist party. The struggle for a German Germany is the only prominent feature in both sources of literature. Whether the party is state or ethnic nationalist is impossible to
) Ideology is … a system of definite views, ideas, conceptions, and notions adhered to by some class or political party. [Ideology] is always a reflection of the economic system predominant at any given time. ( Soviet Philosophical Dictionary , 1954) Political debate is widespread in society. Whether we are aware of it or not, most of us are, at a very
five, and in 1996 only twice; CD-Actueel has not been distributed since 1993. In April 1997 CD-Info was renamed CD-Nieuwsbrief (CD-Newsletter), which was also the only change made. In terms of counting, lay-out, content, and irregular publishing the paper is identical to its predecessor. chap5 28/5/02 13.32 Page 131 Centrumdemocraten 131 The Netherlands for the Dutch first! State nationalism The main ideological feature of the party ideology of the CD is nationalism, aptly caught in the (old) party slogan ‘The Netherlands (in the first place) for the Dutch