Search results

Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

concrete ways in which healthcare practices adapt in the face of attacks and how these may reveal and put to the test the reciprocal expectations binding international and local health practitioners in crisis situations. Context The Republic of South Sudan was proclaimed as a new, independent nation on 9 July 2011, following decades of civil war in Sudan and six years after the Sudanese government in Khartoum and the main rebel movement of South Sudan, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). MSF had been

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Postsocialist, post-conflict, postcolonial?

This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.

administration, expanding local self-government, and extending the use of the Albanian language in government and education. The NLA, for its part, staked out a strikingly moderate political platform largely corresponding to the demands made by the Albanian political parties, but complemented by the demand for changes in discriminatory language in the Macedonian constitution. Prodded by US and EU mediators, representatives of Macedonia’s main political parties (with the legal Albanian parties acting on behalf of the NLA) signed a peace agreement in August 2001, despite rising

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)

destruction and violence does of course reduce the size of the social pie; but even so one group may come out ahead. Economists have therefore increasingly looked to polarization and social conflict as one reason for development failure. Easterly and Levine (1997) conclude that ethnic divisions are a powerful explanation for Africa’s ‘growth tragedy’. Such considerations imply that efforts to re-establish peace must have an economic as well as a political dimension if they are to work. Peace agreements that require free and fair elections are unlikely to yield peace or

in Democratization through the looking-glass

), led to increasingly violent clashes in January 1993 and to full-scale war four months later. At the height of this war (28 August 1993) the Croat Community of Herceg-Bosna transformed itself into a Republic and declared its independence. Military losses and international pressure compelled Franjo Tudjman, the President of the Republic of Croatia, to pressure Bosnian Croats to sign a peace agreement with the Bosnian central government in the spring of 1994, the so-called ‘Washington Agreement’. Until the signing of the Washington Agreement, Herceg-Bosna was a ‘normal

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

. Although it is not easy to find a meaningful indicator, areas populated by Albanians are visibly wealthier than others.6 The peace agreement of 16 August 2001, brokered by the European Union, invited Albanians to engage in state institutions, which is anything but tempting to them. Average salaries in ministries are as low as 100 Euro per month, and the private sector offers much better opportunities. A special quota allows ethnic Albanian students to enrol at Skopje University with worse marks than Macedonians, but few Albanians make use of the opportunity. With the peace

in Potentials of disorder

the new constitution and, in 2006, the first democratic elections since independence. But it also consolidated the positions of the strongest actors and was marred by violent episodes. The more meaningful peace agreement was achieved in Sun City (South Africa) in 2002. Earlier, the Lusaka peace agreement of 1999, signed at the instance of the AU, Zambia and South Africa in particular, and of the UN Secretary General, from which the UN authorised MONUC, just 87 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC from Chad 1999-2000 SUDAN

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

–2. 55 B. Pouligny, ‘Promoting democratic institutions in post-conflict societies: giving diversity a chance’, International Peacekeeping , 7:3 (2000), 31–2. 56 Reports by the High Representative for Implementation of the Peace Agreement to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, March 1996-May 2000

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

, which changed MONUC to MONUSCO, established its priorities as: civilian protection, peace stabilisation and consolidation, and restoration of state authority (UN Security Council 2010). More than ever before, Resolution 1925 put the responsibility for peace and order on the Congolese Government, while defining the UN mission as an external supportive actor, primarily concerned with civilian protection and political oversight. The success in civilian protection nevertheless remains limited. As seen in the previous chapter, the same peace agreements that have brought

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

national machinery is now unstable and unclear (Budrug-Lungu, personal interview, 2000). Fourth, some of the CEE countries have experienced civil and ethnic conflict and war, and are yet to engage with issues of special structures for furthering women’s position. Thus, ‘Four years after the Dayton Peace Agreement where no one woman participated, Bosnia and Herzegovina is in a process of social, economic and political reconstruction as well as of establishing new legislative frameworks, but without giving any significant attention to issues of gender equality’ (Helic

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?