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Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68
Author: Jonathan Colman

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
Logan Cochrane

restrictions on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and levying of unreasonable fees for NGO personnel visas. After multiple attempts of peace negotiations, forms of power-sharing agreements have been attempted, yet these remain fragile and contested. One of the challenges for donors and organisations seeking to work in such a complex operational environment is the lack of available evidence to support decision making alongside the lack of experiential lessons for learning from practice. On the former, basic data is absent in nearly all sectors; 45 indicators in UNDP

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Tami Amanda Jacoby

dissenting groups to question their roles in national security and to promote new understandings of the relationship between national and personal security in Israel. This process of reflection on the military in Israeli society has developed further in the context of the Middle East peace process (MEPP). Peace negotiations have altered the context in which the theory and practice of security in the region

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

with the duke’s aim to raise his status and secure his dynastic ambitions, which he successfully achieved in the context of the peace negotiations in Utrecht 1712–1713 when he was elevated to king of Sicily.11 Political and diplomatic assistance, which quite frequently took the route of a subsidy alliance, almost always constituted a prerequisite for territorial expansion, in particular for the lesser powers. In the Holy Roman Empire, the emperor was in a position to settle territorial disputes and divisions of estates.12 Even outside of this legal structure, however

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century)
Tilman Haug

possessions in the north-west; France offered to mediate in relation to Neuburg’s conflicts with Brandenburg, and offered to represent his interests in any peace negotiation with Spain.12 Nevertheless, the duke’s interests in co-operation with France went beyond profiting from the efforts of French diplomacy on his behalf. In 1656, Philipp Wilhelm considerably raised the stakes for his compliance with French policies and demanded a subsidy treaty that would allow him to raise a sizeable armed force of around twenty thousand men.13 The projected military alliance would

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Benjamin Worthy

‘stealth and furtiveness, lying and denial’ (Bok, 1986: 8). This characterisation oversimplifies a more nuanced reality, as secrecy is closely entwined with a more positive notion of privacy, while publicity can be associated with manipulation and distortion (Bok, 1986). There are also broad swathes of social and political activity where confidentiality is accepted and deemed necessary, from the work of juries to peace negotiations, and even staunch advocate of openness and transparency Jeremy Bentham qualified the power of publicity with the need to prevent injustice

in Science and the politics of openness
Jonathan Colman

representative’ to provide a ‘full and frank’ briefing on Vietnam and the Administration’s attitude towards peace negotiations. 9 Johnson sent Chester Cooper of the National Security Council to brief the British. On 30 January, he advised Wilson and Brown that Washington’s ‘direct contact with the North Vietnamese … was low-level and fragile’, but the Americans were ‘trying to keep it alive’. 10 Cooper

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

go-ahead to investigate the possibility of peace negotiations with North Vietnam. In these months, then, Wilson was notably compliant with American wishes and willing to tolerate poor treatment from Washington. A ‘close’ or ‘special’ Anglo-American relationship remained of great importance to him, both personally and as a means of trying to magnify Britain’s influence in the world. Wilson’s telephone call to Washington, 11

in A ‘special relationship’?
Raymond Hinnebusch

opportunity to incorporate the area into a ‘New World Order’ in which the struggle for power would be superseded by the features of the pluralist model – complex interdependence, democratic peace. The defeat and discrediting of Iraq’s militaristic Arab nationalism, the beginnings of the Arab–Israeli peace negotiations, and a Washington-imposed Pax Americana were to facilitate creation of the co-operative security arrangements needed to tame the power struggle. The consequent dilution of insecurity, together with the exhaustion of economies from arms races, would allow

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

conference, a Labour Government, traditionally seen as more willing to engage in peace negotiations, came to power in Israel in 1992 (the first since 1977). That Government entered into secret talks with Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) officials in Oslo, Norway. The Oslo process, as it has come to be known, had the effect of bypassing the very public Madrid agendas and allowed for concrete efforts and results

in Redefining security in the Middle East