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Postsocialist, post-conflict, postcolonial?
Author: Catherine Baker

This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.

How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be Improved?
Aditya Sarkar, Benjamin J. Spatz, Alex de Waal, Christopher Newton, and Daniel Maxwell

simultaneously. Where democratic institutions and practices do exist, they are effectively subordinated to the tactical calculus of elite negotiations. In PMs, peace agreements are not ‘political settlements’ that endure; they are elite bargains that are only likely to hold as long as the political market conditions in which they were struck persist, a type of ‘permanent political unsettlement’ ( Bell and Pospisil, 2017 : 581). Overall, these states are not moving inexorably

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Resilience and the Language of Compassion
Diego I. Meza

2002 ( Unidad de Víctimas, 2013 ), despite the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016, displacement persists ( El Tiempo , 2021 ; UARIV, 2021 ). The Colombian government has tried to manage this humanitarian crisis in recent decades. It signed Law 387 in 1997 and, consecutively, Law 1448 in 2011. Under Law 387 the Unified Register of Displaced Population (Registro Único de Población Desplazada, RUPD) was set up and the National System of Integral Attention to People Displaced by Violence (Sistema Nacional de Atención Integral a la

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper

of civil war in Sudan and six years after the Sudanese government in Khartoum and the main rebel movement of South Sudan, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M), signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). MSF had been involved in the Sudanese conflict since 1983. Most MSF sections had remained throughout the CPA process, and health activities were ongoing at the time of independence. In November 2012, MSF-H released a report entitled South Sudan

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
Logan Cochrane

different parts of the country). As this transition occurs, there is a greater need to align activities with the GoSS to avoid duplication and improve the efficiency of resource use ( USAID, 2012a , 2012c ). The experience leading up to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (up to 2005) demonstrated a period of coherence within the donor community, as the objective was clear and shared. However, following the signing of the agreement (post 2006) the Joint Donor Team has not been able to maintain alignment, within the donor community or with the GoSS ( Bennett et al. , 2010

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Stuart Kaufman

administration, expanding local self-government, and extending the use of the Albanian language in government and education. The NLA, for its part, staked out a strikingly moderate political platform largely corresponding to the demands made by the Albanian political parties, but complemented by the demand for changes in discriminatory language in the Macedonian constitution. Prodded by US and EU mediators, representatives of Macedonia’s main political parties (with the legal Albanian parties acting on behalf of the NLA) signed a peace agreement in August 2001, despite rising

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Tony Addison

destruction and violence does of course reduce the size of the social pie; but even so one group may come out ahead. Economists have therefore increasingly looked to polarization and social conflict as one reason for development failure. Easterly and Levine (1997) conclude that ethnic divisions are a powerful explanation for Africa’s ‘growth tragedy’. Such considerations imply that efforts to re-establish peace must have an economic as well as a political dimension if they are to work. Peace agreements that require free and fair elections are unlikely to yield peace or

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Kristóf Gosztonyi

), led to increasingly violent clashes in January 1993 and to full-scale war four months later. At the height of this war (28 August 1993) the Croat Community of Herceg-Bosna transformed itself into a Republic and declared its independence. Military losses and international pressure compelled Franjo Tudjman, the President of the Republic of Croatia, to pressure Bosnian Croats to sign a peace agreement with the Bosnian central government in the spring of 1994, the so-called ‘Washington Agreement’. Until the signing of the Washington Agreement, Herceg-Bosna was a ‘normal

in Potentials of disorder