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Author: Kerry Longhurst

Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.

Eşref Aksu

clearly demonstrates that it was not ‘typical’ of its period. The UN’s Congo mission was far more ambitious than any peacekeeping mission hitherto. Nevertheless, it is precisely the ambitious nature of the mission that makes it instructive for our purposes. We know, for instance, that the UN used force in the Congo. But what precisely were the objectives and underlying dynamics of the operation? What

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The analytical framework
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(UNSCOB, 1947–54), for example, is cited by some sources as the first UN peacekeeping mission. 52 Others disagree, arguing that UNSCOB members were not operating under the Secretary-General’s authority. 53 The second category consists of those UN operations which are also often labelled ‘UN peace enforcement’. UN missions authorised – whether in part or at a certain stage – to take

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Evolution of the normative basis
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preferences of key actors interacted in intra-state peacekeeping environments in the early 1960s, and juxtapose the ensuing normative synthesis with the ideational attributes of the 1990s, which took shape in a different historical structural setting. Emerging normative basis on the eve of double ‘peaks’ The emergence of UN peacekeeping missions can be traced almost as far back as

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Kerry Longhurst

part of the chain of command between the civilian defence minister and individual inspekteuren of the three services, in peace and war. However, in the context of Germany’s greater engagement in peacekeeping missions, the VPR of March 1992 saw that some form of national operational command body spanning all three services would be required to facilitate the effective delivery of Germany’s crisis-management activities.6 A tangible result of these demands was the establishment of the German Army Operational Command in August 1994, which came into force in January 1995 7

in Germany and the use of force
Eşref Aksu

representatives to be established in their countries in order to facilitate the implementation of the Namibia plan. Though Angola considered a UN presence on its territory to be an infringement of its sovereignty, 14 the day would come when it would consent to hosting a large UN peacekeeping mission. In the 1980s, the Reagan administration introduced the notion of ‘linkage’, 15 according to which the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Adjusting to life after the Cold War
Kerry Longhurst

Bundeswehr’s role. The UNTAC mission to Cambodia in May 1992, with around 140 Bundeswehr soldiers, saw Germany participating actively in a UN peacekeeping mission, and with the opposition’s approval. The Cambodia deployment signified Germany’s growing willingness to shoulder part of the security burden and was viewed by the new Defence Minister Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 60 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 60 Germany and the use of force Volker Rühe as ‘ein Beitrag zu einem neuen Kapitel deutscher Verantwortung’ (a contribution to a new chapter in German

in Germany and the use of force
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

observance of the Central American security agreement, Esquipulas II , between Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Although Central America had always been a region of severe conflicts, this was the first time a UN peacekeeping mission would be deployed in this exclusively American sphere of influence. 127 In 1989, two other operations were authorised in Central America, in Nicaragua

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The Albanian mafia
Xavier Raufer

of Drugs and Prevention of Crime, in the domain of crisis prevention? One must be realistic, there will be more such serious international crises in the future, in the absence of a world order which is clear, lasting, stable and acceptable to all. In these conditions military interventions and peacekeeping missions will again be necessary. What can be done so that, in case of need, the criminal dimension of a given region can be taken into account? In this case, clamouring for the establishment of the rule of law is not enough. Asking for the application of the law

in Potentials of disorder
The European union’s policy in the field of arms export controls
Sibylle Bauer and Eric Remacle

tool of conflict prevention has become increasingly apparent, particularly considering the boomerang effect illustrated by the Gulf War and in peacekeeping missions where European soldiers fight troops equipped with weapons and equipment exported by their own governments. Linked to this, the need for a coherent EU foreign policy has become all too obvious given cases where past EU arms deliveries have been counterproductive for the EU

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy