Matt Matravers
Susan Mendus

MCK2 1/10/2003 10:19 AM Page 38 2 The reasonableness of pluralism Matt Matravers and Susan Mendus Introduction In ‘The Idea of an Overlapping Consensus’, John Rawls remarks that the aims of political philosophy depend upon the society it addresses, and that modern, democratic societies are characterised by ‘the fact of pluralism’: they are societies in which different people have different and conflicting comprehensive conceptions of the good, different and conflicting beliefs about the right way to live morally speaking.1 Moreover, and troublingly, these

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Catriona McKinnon

MCK3 1/10/2003 10:21 AM Page 54 3 Toleration and the character of pluralism Catriona McKinnon This chapter addresses two influential ways of thinking about which political principles we ought to adopt. The first way of thinking starts with expectations about how persons ought to relate to one another in political discourse. Political principles are justified by reference to these expectations. The second way of thinking starts with certain values around which, it is claimed, people ought to structure their lives. Political principles are then justified by

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Interpreting the unions–party link
Steve Ludlam

ITLP_C10.QXD 18/8/03 10:01 am Page 150 10 Too much pluralism, not enough socialism: interpreting the unions–party link Steve Ludlam A central object of Labour’s re-branding as ‘New Labour’ was to distance it from its trade union affiliates (Gould 1998: 257–8). The relationship was tense before and after the 1997 election, when Blair reduced the unions’ formal power in the party, and restricted employment policy initiatives largely to his predecessors’ promises (Ludlam 2001). But discontent was limited by real union gains, and tension eased markedly between

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

, then, a third possibility – humanitarianisms . A kind of normative pluralism. Of course, historically there have been many different ways to deal with those who suffer. This might well be the world we are entering again. But how much diversity can be tolerated? Could a humanitarian practice that argued it would help only ‘people like us’ and leave to suffer and die ‘people like them’ be judged genuinely humanitarian? If your answer is no, surely you are arguing for limits to the malleability of humanitarian social practice that aren

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Why Building Back Better Means More than Structural Safety
Bill Flinn

-development continuum or humanitarian pluralism, this recognises that all humanitarian aid should have an eye to medium to long term development and preparedness for the next event (IASC). The shelter sector, and in particular the proponents of self-recovery, see everything, except perhaps the immediate emergency distribution of tarpaulins, as a step towards eventual permanent recovery. Beyond the immediate imperatives of saving lives, supporting the injured and bereaved and preventing hunger and disease, much of the humanitarian effort is directed towards sustainable recovery

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Sophie Roborgh

fact and value ‘motivated truth’ to highlight the overt combination of reason and sentiment that it represents. ( 2006 : 5) Accuracy plays an important role in this, as it is directly tied to organisational legitimacy. Powers holds that ‘the history of NGOs [non-governmental organisations] suggests an assiduous cultivation of such values [accuracy and pluralism] as a response to skepticism about their capacity to put forward credible claims about human

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Reasonable tolerance

The idea of toleration as the appropriate response to difference has been central to liberal thought since Locke. Although the subject has been widely and variously explored, there has been reluctance to acknowledge the new meaning that current debates offer on toleration. This book starts from a clear recognition of the new terms of the debate, reflecting the capacity of seeing the other's viewpoint, and the limited extent to which toleration can be granted. Theoretical statements on toleration posit at the same time its necessity in democratic societies, and its impossibility as a coherent ideal. There are several possible objections to, and ways of developing the ideal of, reasonable tolerance as advocated by John Rawls and by some other supporters of political liberalism. The first part of the book explores some of them. In some real-life conflicts, it is unclear on whom the burden of reasonableness may fall. This part discusses the reasonableness of pluralism, and general concept and various more specific conceptions of toleration. The forces of progressive politics have been divided into two camps: redistribution and recognition. The second part of the book is an attempt to explore the internal coherence of such a transformation when applied to different contexts. It argues that openness to others in discourse, and their treatment as free and equal, is part of a kind of reflexive toleration that pertains to public communication in the deliberative context. Social ethos, religious discrimination and education are discussed in connection with tolerance.

James Bohman

conflicts do emerge, such a form of democracy requires that all citizens should have equal standing and influence in any deliberation about their resolution. In the circumstances of wide pluralism (that is, of pluralism along a number of dimensions), toleration would seem to be both part of the ideal of public reason and an important virtue for citizens to exercise in their deliberative institutions. Yet deliberation also demands more of citizens than silent toleration regarding the reasons of those with whom they disagree, especially if they accept that an important goal

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Philip Cerny

‘reinventing government’ (including the welfare state) along business lines. Furthermore, however, globalization is also generating new and more complex forms of social, economic and political pluralism – not merely the benign pluralism of 88 DISCIPLINES mid-twentieth-century democratic theory, but rather the more unequal and disequilibrating kind called ‘neopluralism’ (Lindblom 1977). In neo-pluralism, those social, economic and political actors with the greatest access to material and social resources predominate, but are not necessarily in control. And even powerful

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Regional elections and political parties
Cameron Ross

do without, and what kind of party system Russia needs’.72 FAD6 10/17/2002 5:45 PM Page 113 Regional elections and political parties 113 Conclusions The problem of party building in Russia’s regions comes not so much from what Sartori calls ‘polarized pluralism’ or the danger of ‘anti-system parties’ threatening the stability of the party system. Russia’s problem is that, with the exception of the KPRF, and the transient ‘parties of power’ (Russia’s Choice, Our Home is Russia, Yedinstvo), there are no other national parties with sufficient organisational

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia