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The Tories after 1997
Editors: Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch

The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.

Open Access (free)
Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch

, though, it implies that only a combination of successful policy renewal with a run of serious misfortunes for the Blair government could have propelled the Tories back into office after one term of opposition; even Winston Churchill’s reinvigorated party took two elections to come back. Ball’s analysis suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organisation. This may be somewhat surprising, given the current media obsession with leaders. Immediately after the last

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

The restructuring of work in Britain
Louise Amoore

clear from Blair’s speech, it can be highly politically expedient to represent globalisation as ‘outside’ and beyond effective control by governments, and to position a national policy programme as a necessary response. This chapter challenges the opposition of globalisation and ‘national capitalisms’ by exploring the making and remaking of a ‘British model’ of hyperflexibility.1 Through a reconceptualisation of ‘models of capitalism’ as shifting and circulating webs of power, I question how it has been possible to represent a flexible ‘model’, and why this

in Globalisation contested
Ross M. English

’. It is also a function of the designs of the Founding Fathers and their concern to prevent an overpowerful government. There is a case to be made that the federal system was designed to make it difficult to pass legislation and that gridlock is evidence that the government is working as it should. The making of coherent policy One further accusation against Congress is that it is unable of passing a coherent policy programme in the interests of the national good. This was touched on in chapter 2. This argument is a function of two features of Congress: the re

in The United States Congress
Open Access (free)
The United States in the Asia and Indo-Pacifics
Inderjeet Parmar

“Rebalance”) to Asia, formally announced in late 2011, was arguably his administration’s key foreign policy programme across two terms in office. 2 The United States, to quote his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, was entering a ‘Pacific Century’. This is where the ‘future of politics’ would be decided, she argued, and the United States was to be ‘right at the centre of the action’. 3 What, then, are President Obama’s chief achievements, failures and legacies in the Indo-Pacific? Was there a distinctive underlying philosophy and strategy for the region that guided

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo

implementing pilot projects ‘for the delivery of services for women as a basis for policy formation and programme recommendation’. The NCRFW has a Board of Commissioners to set its policies, programmes and campaigns. It is led by an Executive Director assisted by a Deputy Executive Director and the Chiefs of five functional divisions: policy analysis; information resources; monitoring and evaluation; technical services; and administration and finance. Two streams of feminism The NCRFW’s leadership has emanated from the Philippine women’s movement, and from two streams in

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
City DNA, public health and a new urban imaginary
Michael Keith and Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos

outcomes in the specific historical and spatial contexts of Southern urbanisation. Taking Southern practice seriously means seeing squatting not just in its tensions with formal logics of law and planning, nor merely in the material forms of housing, but as mode of practice that embraces uncertainty, measures itself against limited temporalities, and operates to move forward incrementally in any way it can. This mode of practice is claimed here as an equal possibility for state action – for policies, programmes and plans – and not just for subaltern urban residents. To

in Urban transformations and public health in the emergent city
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

ideas becoming part of the ‘common-sense’ ideological baggage of society. It will have made the transition from being primarily a ‘restrictive’ ideological movement to being a ‘relaxed’ one: from a movement less concerned with detailed understanding of the ideas of the key thinkers associated with it to one that attempts to bring into play policy programmes broadly in sympathy

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Structuring self-made offers and demands
Andreas Maurer and Wolfgang Wessels

decisions in the strict sense of Article 249 (ex Article 189) ECT on the definition of the different legal instruments available within the EU system. The second phase includes another type of decision, so-called ‘legislative decisions’ in the framework of policy programmes (SOCRATES, Ariane, Research Framework Programmes, etc.).64 Another issue concerning the production of binding EC/EU law needs to be addressed. So far, we have focused at the dynamics of the Council in the EU system. We referred to the total output of legal acts irrespective of whether the different

in Fifteen into one?