It is frequently claimed that foreign policymaking in Middle East states is either the idiosyncratic product of personalistic dictators or the irrational outcome of domestic instability. In fact, it can only be adequately understood by analysis of the multiple factors common to all states, namely: (1) foreign policy determinants (interests, challenges) to which decision-makers respond when they shape policies; and (2) foreign policy structures and processes which factor the ‘inputs’ made by various actors into a policy addressing these
European Union policy-making
The EU is not a state and is not a traditional international organization. It
is common to characterize it as a hybrid system with a federal component,
but nothing comparable exists at this point in time. To understand EU
policy-making towards Mercosur it is important to understand the internal
system of the EU, its internal policy-making and the internal system of
Mercosur, particularly given that Mercosur has tried to replicate the institutional design of the EU.
Since its creation in 1957 in the
This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector
Kevin O’Sullivan and Réiseal Ní Chéilleachair
robust engagement with humanitarianism as an
historical phenomenon help us to better navigate the contemporary aid environment?
If so, what steps can we take to translate the lessons of the past into future
policy? This article outlines the results of a pilot project conducted by Trócaire and
National University of Ireland (NUI) Galway on using history as a tool for
policy-making in the humanitarian sector. It begins by reflecting on the need for
principles. The last article exemplifies the journal’s ambition to create a bridge between
academia and practitioners. The joint contribution by historian Kevin O’Sullivan
and aid worker Réiseal Ní Chéilleachair describes the results of a
pilot project on using historical reflection as a tool for policy-making in the
humanitarian sector. It focuses on humanitarian experiences in Somalia, one of the
turning points of risk management in humanitarian security in the early 1990s. By establishing experiences at the
Can historians assist development policy-making, or just highlight its faults?
Bayly 06_Tonra 01 21/06/2011 10:23 Page 169
Can historians assist
or just highlight its faults?
Historians tend not to stick their necks out. They spend their days striving to root
out empirical evidence from the past; then when it comes to interpreting it, they
celebrate uncertainty. Each effect had multiple causes; every event could have
been different had it not been for its contingent concatenation of contexts.
History is drawn upon every day to justify policy, but most historians would
The broadcast media are required by law to be neutral as this is a partly
political issue. However, debate on Europe has become one of the most
common subjects for current affairs programmes. They may not be allowed to
lead public opinion, but they may prove to be the main source of information
for the electorate.
THE ECONOMY AND THE SINGLE CURRENCY
The effects on economic policymaking of British membership in an increasingly integrated Europe can be divided into three main aspects. These are:
firstly, the ways in which the British government no longer has freedom
execution of policy
fields and programmes, especially with regard to their financial implications.19 Given the political environment of the Union after Maastricht
(Agenda 2000, reform of the Union’s own resources), the economic recession of 1992–93, high and persistent unemployment rates and the
extensive transfers to the Eastern Länder, cost-benefit analysis becomes
more important and – with view to the interaction between government
and the citizenry – also more relevant for German EC/EU policy-making
The national policy-cycle: multi-level complexity and
The European union’s policy in the field of arms export controls
Sibylle Bauer and Eric Remacle
Theories of integration usually provide
monocausal explanations of integrative processes. They cannot therefore be
considered as general theories but rather as ideological models which
reflect the state of the European construction, state the preferences and
values of the actors in EU policy-making, and contribute to the inevitable
compromises between them (Caporaso and Keeler 1995 ). From a constructivist perspective
women and men to become partners in order to
correct gender disparities inherited from the past and to
promote gender equality. Nevertheless, having gained their
independence a relatively short time ago, these countries
have to find their individual way of economic transformation at the same time as they create new social structures.
This process, contrary to the history of most Western European countries, is occurring under the pressures of time
and political circumstances, which have consequences for
the policy-making and implementational strategies and